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Kulikov, L. Nedialkov, V. Vladimir Petrovich IV. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Co. Kulikov Conceptualization and aspect in some Asian languages 43 Kazuyuki Kiryu Evidentiality, transitivity and split ergativity: evidence from Svan 63 Nina Sumbatova On the semantics of some Russian causative constructions: aspect, control, and types of causation 97 Tatiana V.
Bulygina and Alexei D. Dolinina The past perfect in Armenian Natalia A. On the deep interrelations between tense, aspect, pronominality, and ergativity Werner Abraham Verbal temporalization in Russian and English Georgij Silnitsky A typology of phasal meanings Vladimir A. Plungian Degrees of focality in Kalmyk imperfectives Karen H. Ebert Aspectual classification of nouns: a case study of Russian Ekaterina V. Kislovskij per. Institute of Linguistic Researches, St. Shmelev, Alexei D. Petersburg, Russia M. Seoul National University, Dept.
Petersburg, Russia Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, —, Japan youri ling. The present collection of papers extends the original tense-aspect research to cover non-European languages such as Kalmyk, Kipchak Turkic, Korean, Newari, Vedic, and Warrungu an aboriginal Australian language. It also addresses seminal questions of a sort that appear necessary in the face of languages which merge so intricately the grammatical components of tense and aspect — as is, for instance, the case of Russian.
Extensive research triggered by this article has yielded rich cross-linguistic material see, among others, Verhaar It is precisely in this spirit that the present collection takes up a line of individual research that has gained a great deal of respect and following in the modern tradition of Russian typological linguistics, but has remained, until very recent times, less well known within Western linguistics. Petersburg of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The choice of the general topic of the Festschrift is by no means accidental.
It is to the study of verbal categories that the linguist honoured here has contributed and, we hope, will continue to contribute so much. Nedjalkov , as well as his writings on mood and modality Nedjalkov a, Perfect and perfective forms and their rich semantics are discussed by Nedjalkov mostly in connection with the typology of resultative constructions cf. In the domain of Aktionsarten, Nedjalkov has paid most attention to the meaning of inceptivity, which has resulted in a series of articles on the typology of inchoative and inceptive verbs Nedjalkov ; ; In what follows we will briefly summarize the topics and conclusions of the contributions to the present volume.
Edited by Robert I. Binnick
Part 1. Transitivity, causativity and tense-aspect: interdependencies T. Warrungu is an Australian aboriginal language that was once spoken in the Upper Herbert region of North Queensland. It is morphologically split-ergative and syntactically strongly ergative.
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It is generally attached to intransitive roots, with no change in transitivity. It is also added to a small number of transitive roots, and in some of these cases it has the syntactic effect of turning transitive constructions into antipassive constructions. Relying upon evidence from Vedic Sanskrit, L. In Vedic, several verbs display a functional asymmetry of different tense systems. Forms belonging to the present tense system mostly occur in transitive- causative constructions, whereas forms of the perfect tense are typically intransi- tive.
It is important to note that the old Indo-European perfect is closely related to the category referred to as stative. Thus, the predominant intransitivity of the Vedic perfect may be a kind of remnant of the predominant intransitivity of the Proto-Indo-European stative. In a third contribution to this subtopic of the volume, K. The author argues that the fact that a language has productive distinctions in voice categories is closely related to how the language organizes verb systems in terms of transitivity.
Furthermore, it is argued that the organisation of verbs in terms of the transitivity parameter is not constant across languages; that is, there are at least two types of languages with regard to whether transitive events are basic. The author concludes that transitivity is closely related to the aspectual dimension of verbs and that in the languages under consideration the same aspectual expression gives rise to different construals of aspect.
The author gives a description of the syntax and semantics of imperfective and perfective evidential forms and attempts to capture inter- and intra-sentential elements of cohesion and coherence that cause a native speaker to choose either the evidential or non-evidential morphology. Bulygina and A. They show that the individual properties of concrete causative verbs are by no means idiosyncratic; on the contrary, most of them are semantically motivated.
The authors develop a taxonomy for a lexico- graphic description of Russian causative verbs in terms of their aspectual properties and other semantic and syntactic features. The trade-off between aspect and tense as typological parameters The second group of papers are concerned with what can be called The trade-off between aspect, tense and resultativity. In the northern part of Europe there is only one past tense form, usually called Preterite, whereas in the South there are two, an imperfective past, or Imperfect, and a perfective past, or Aorist.
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The Aorists turn out to cover only a small, well-defined portion of the uses of Preterites, while the rest of Preterite uses is covered by Imperfects. The author arrives at the conclusion that, whereas the Aorist is indeed a perfective past, the Imperfect should be qualified as a default past rather than an imperfective past. When full-fledged aspect paradigms and tenses meet, as is the case in Russian, and when, in addition, two morphological types of passive co-exist within a verbal system, overlaps are bound to emerge.
Viewpoint categorizations play an important role in Turkic languages, e. It is shown that the semantics of Distributivity, its typological encoding, and the oppositions it deals with are broader than those of Aspect. Within quantification, Distributivity is characterized as a category having a dual nominal-event nature, since it displays the combined meanings of nominal plurality and event-plurality.
The author distinguishes three types of distributives, in all of which quantification operates in different ways upon the actions and objects referred to. In these contexts, it has an absolute time meaning and relates a past action of the second degree of remoteness to the moment of speech. Aspects of psych-verbs are not distinctly represented in many languages, and Korean displays the progressive in psych-verbs while English does not. He contends that a language that has preserved aspectual or paradigmatically and semantically manifest, pervasive Aktionsart distinctions manifests the syntactic type of ergativity as lexical or phrasal perfectives — something clearly attested by languages displaying split ergativity.
This investigation is conducted through several unrelated languages. The approach establishes deep-structure relations underlying means of expressing temporal orientation in a number of Indo-European languages.
Tense-Aspect: Between semantics & pragmatics (Typological
In the same methodological vein, though with a different terminology and framework, V. The various imperfective forms exhibit different degrees of focalisation and represent a developmental continuum, in which high-focal forms tend to be used in less focalised contexts, pulling in new high-focals from the domain of durative actional periphrases. Very much in the spirit of transcategorial rule setting, E. It is argued that this interpretation directly depends on the semantic class which the noun belongs to. We as editors had solidly underestimated the meanderings of the communicative paths extending into all corners of this linguistic world.
Tense-aspect: Between Semantics & Pragmatics : Containing the Contributions - Google книги
On the other hand, the fact that this truly global participation of contributors pays homage to an outstanding linguistic researcher and typologist, to his personal polyglotism and resulting versatility with research traditions in different linguistic cultures and their literatures, to his school in St. Without his linguistic competence, professional dedication and editorial delicacy the present editors would not have succeeded. One holds a faint, though insup- pressable hope that, some day, when Judgement is meted out, a good genius will recompense non-English speaking linguists for the pains they have taken to express in English matters that could have readily remained in Russian, German, Japanese or Korean — but needed to be rendered in a foreign tongue for the benefit of linguistic and intellectual transparency.
References Abraham, Werner. See Horn- kohl, , pp. Longacre, , pp. I am grateful to my friend and former teacher, Randall Buth, for enlightening discussions on this topic. This is where pragmatics has much to contribute. Nowadays, such cases are usefully ex- plained with reference to the notion of information structure, according to which the pre-verbal constituents in the foregoing examples are considered to be marked for focus. While variously defined, for purposes of the present study focus is understood as marked rhematic or comment material or as that element designated by explicit marking as the most salient, or newsworthy, piece of information in the clause, often for purposes of contrast, fill-in, iden- tification, contra-expectation or reinforcement.
In many cases, such an element is highlighted as a topic, a marked point of reference for ensuing information. And in the morning a layer of dew was around the camp. See Hornkohl, , pp. Alternatively, some use the term to refer to the new information provided by a sentence, regardless of markedness Lambrecht, , p. Moshavi , pp. See also Khan, , p. But it also occurs with other types of constituents, as in example 12 , where the salient information in each clause is communicated not by means of the pre-verbal prepositional phrases used in reference to two of the addresses, but in the ensuing curses.
The fronted prepositional clauses help merely to organise the information relevant to each addressee, serving to juxtapose the members of the set. Consider the cases of contrastive focus in examples 13 — Examples 13 — 15 : Contrastive focus This is not be confused with con- trastive topic, such as in examples 16 — 20 , where the pre-verbal constituent in each case does not itself constitute the salient point of contrast, but is one of a set of entities held up for comparison with respect to the salient point of contrast that is, the newsworthy or previously unknown information , which is conveyed by the verbal predicate or some element therein.
Holmstedt, , pp. Buth a, p. However, in terms of explanatory power, information structure alone proves inadequate, as there are a great many cases of XV order where X stands for any clausal argument or adjunct, and V for the verb to which the functions of focus and topic do not obviously apply. Holmstedt has put forth the most lucid and comprehensive case for just such a view.
Of course, this is true of wayyiqtol only if SV order really is basic in BH. If, on the other hand, basic VS order can be established without consid- eration of wayyiqtol clauses , it is reasonable to conclude that the VS order of wayyiqtol clauses is simply one among several manifestations of the basic, unmarked order, rather than a distor- tion thereof. Again, Holmstedt uses this criterion not to establish basic word order, but to argue that wayyiqtol clauses should be filtered out of the data to be considered when measuring frequency.
Fur- ther, since BH, like other languages, frequently displays word order variation motivated by pragmatic factors, clauses pragmatically marked for topic and focus are winnowed, resulting in sets of what Holmstedt considers pragmati- cally neutral SV and VS clauses. Its insistence on linking basic word order to pragmatic neutrality is especially laudable.
Its conclu- sions are so fundamental and far-reaching that ignoring them is out of the question. And there is much of value in the study, both in terms of the ques- tions it addresses, the weaknesses it cites in competing arguments, the sup- porting arguments that it furnishes for its central claim and, most importantly, the methodology it proposes.
Most crucially, its central con- clusion, that a basic SV word order for the BH verbal clause better accounts for the data than a basic VS order, proves unconvincing for the simple reason that, if rerun in strict accordance with the methodology that Holmstedt rightly advocates, the experiment produces very different results. For a provisional presentation of such results, see table 1.
The remainder of this paper consists of examples and discussion, including the data behind the table. Also, Gen. The pragmatic marking of sub- jects would presumably necessitate alternative strategies, such as intonation, focalising particles and special structures. As Holmstedt shows, however, 36 Holmstedt, , p.
The instance Gen. It is also arguably explicable as an in- stance of focus; see below, n. As such, it has been excluded from the count. It is to be emphasised that the classification of pragmatic effects involves the sub- jective judgement of individual readers, so that differences of opinion are not unexpected. The important point is that scholars be furnished with notional frameworks in which to compare approaches to individual clauses. Additionally, in some nine cases four of which are not excluded on other grounds , the SV order appears to involve either focus or topic; see below, examples 21 — In- deed, he finds marked SV cases more than twice as common as un- marked SV cases Some 32 involve a stative, passive or middle verb; a subject that is non- human, non-agentive or both; or some combination of the above;44 by com- parison, just three of his 26 pragmatically neutral VS clauses are excluded on 41 Holmstedt, , pp.
This figure includes neither clauses with pre-verbal pro- nominal subjects, which Holmstedt justifiably sees as pragmatically marked though an argu- ment could be made that these should be counted, since it might well be markedness by means of fronting that leads to the use of the independent subject pronouns , nor modal clauses with pre-verbal subjects, in which category Holmstedt following others includes negative clauses , p.
Bhat, , pp. Interestingly, Holmstedt identifies no cases of marked SV word order with the subject marked for focus. As Buth , pp. If wayyiqtol clauses are to be ex- cluded because of their restriction to a specific clause type, so, arguably, should these.
Finally, in at least nine cases four of which are not excluded on other grounds , the pre-verbal subject in an allegedly neutral SV clause looks to be marked for one of the information structure functions; these are given in examples 21 — A nation, even an assembly of nations will be from you. The relevance of four verses, two of which are listed above, is questionable on the grounds that the subject is encoded using a pronoun: Gen.
In two further cases, the fronting is arguably intended to mark the entire clause for what Lambrecht , pp. Alternative prag- matic readings are also possible. Your God and the God of your fathers put treasure in your sacks. Your money came to me. In total, at least 36 of the 47 cases of alleged unmarked SV order are excluded due to clause type, pragmatic marking or both, leaving just 11 cases of appar- ently unmarked SV order against 23 unmarked VS clauses.
Though postulating a basic VS word order ad- mittedly leaves a situation of asymmetry between the respective default orders of verbal and verbless clauses, basic order is unified in main and subordinate verbal clauses. Topic and focus get one only so far; the need for a complementary di- mension or dimensions is evident. Yet frequently in BH, elements are fronted for purposes of marking something special about the entire clause.
Indeed, he argues compellingly , p. See also Buth, , pp. I thank Profs. Geoffrey Khan and Christo van der Merwe for discussing this perspective with me. Wayyiqtol has long been associated with temporal se- quence, X qatal with departures therefrom, especially anteriority. And the gate was about to close in the dark when the men let.
Hurry, chase after them, so that you catch them! Gauged against a strict conception of event sequence, many wayyiqtols prove to flout a precise notion of sequentiality, as shown in examples 36 — 38 , which could be multiplied. And the sea ceased from its raging. And the men greatly feared Yhwh. And they made sacrifices and took oaths. And Yhwh appointed a great fish to swallow Jonah. And he was the son of a prostitute. And Gilead fathered Jephthah. In other words, BH writers needed no special rea- son to utilise wayyiqtol in past tense narrative accounts, but did need a special reason to use an alternative.
With specific re- gard to narrative texts, the notion of grounding — foreground vs background — has been applied to biblical texts. Wayyiqtol is seen as carrying forward the sequence of mainline events and actions, with alternative forms and structures used to furnish ancillary information. Examples 39 — 40 present cases of what are arguably mainline sequential events in which fronting does not obviously mark topic or focus. And he went down to Joppa, where he found a boat headed for Tarshish, gave payment, and set off to go with them to Tarshish from before Yhwh.
And Yhwh cast down to the sea a mighty wind. And there was a great storm in the sea. And the boat threatened to break up. And Lot came or was coming to Zoar. And Yhwh rained down upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire. Of particular 58 Buth, , p. Bailey and Levinsohn , p. See also Hornkohl, , pp. If the concept of grounding is to be used at all in discourse studies, it may be useful to think in terms of three grounds: background, neutral mid-ground and highlighted foreground.
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It gives me great pleasure to note that the honouree of the present volume himself noted some of the dis- continuity functions of XV word order. Already in his monograph on extraposition in Semitic languages Geoffrey Khan included a section pp. It is also, arguably, less subjective than the notion of grounding. It seems obvious that the waw-consecutive forms encode action continuity in the sorts of discourse in which they feature and, at the same time, that action continuity is a default quality of those types of dis- course.
For example, on the assumption that wayyiqtol encodes action continuity in narrative and report, it is not surprising that it should correlate highly with real-life sequence, but also not infrequently serve to depict eventualities that are not strictly or even remotely sequential. As long as readers can success- fully sequence story events based on content, context and logic, explicit gram- matical marking of backtracking is unnecessary.
As noted above, the identification of these effects is subjective. It allows us to slice through the Gordion knot inherent in a sys- tem in which all verbal forms have been described as marked. If action conti- nuity represents a default property of certain types of discourse, and if the waw-consecutive forms are recognised as encoding continuity, then wayyiqtol and weqatal emerge as default, unmarked forms within the respective types of discourse in which each figures prominently.
Since both information structure and discourse continuity have been recog- nised by scholars as pragmatic dimensions signalled by means of BH word order variation, it is appropriate at this juncture to explain how what has been proposed here tallies with other recent proposals. Several approaches to BH constituent order admit only one dimension, most often information structure, which, as we have seen, fails to account for a significant proportion of XV structures.
Yet even among these there is variety, especially concerning the degree to which scholars are willing to group some- times apparently disparate effects within broader pragmatic categories. One sort of approach, exemplified most comprehensively by Moshavi, presents a taxonomy of constituent order effects representing a spectrum of parameters for which she seeks no common heading. Focusing on clauses with fronted subjects, she boils factors down to those which mark the preposed element itself for the information structure notions of topic or focus 68 and an assort- ment of effects having to do with the special marking of the entire clause: anteriority,69 simultaneity,70 background information,71 new narrative unit of scene within a narrative.
Bailey and Levinsohn use the terminology associated with in- formation structure, that is, focus versus topicalisation, but it is clear from their discussion that they view topicalisation in terms of discontinuity. Notwithstanding the differences among the approaches just summarised, it is of crucial import for the present study to note that all a recognise the ex- planatory inadequacy of systems that attempt to account for BH constituent order variation on the basis of a single parameter, b posit the utility of the information structure values of focus and topic, c acknowledge the reality of whole-clause marking by means of fronted elements, and d adumbrate sim- ilar lists of especially narrative effects associated with discourse discontinu- ity.
Even so, the differences between approaches merit consideration. Most sig- nificantly, Moshavi wonders whether Buth is successful in unifying all the different types of discontinuities. By applying the term Contextualising Constituent to cases in which the pre- posed item does not actually function as Topic or Setting, Buth is calling very different things by the same name. Further, the in- tersection between information structure and discontinuity is abundantly evi- dent in cases in which the marking of a genuine topic whether sentence topic, 75 The discontinuity effects that I enumerated are similar to some of those mentioned by Mo- shavi: non-sequentiality Hornkohl, , pp.
The preposing of actual clause- and discourse-level topics also frequently achieves other ef- fects, as can be seen in examples 41 — The two phenomena exploit the 78 Cf.