Guide The Contemporary Commonwealth: An Assessment 1965-2009

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Bourne, R. Bridge, C. Butler, D. Basingstoke: Macmillan, Brown, J. Chadwick, J. Chan, S. Hancock Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs , vol. Darwin, J. Doxey, M. Duncan Hall, H. Dundas, C. Finer, C. Ford, K. Gifford, P. Groom A.

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Guha, K. Hamilton, W. Harkness, D. Heinlein, F. Hillmer, N.

The Commonwealth of Nations

Hyam, R. Ingram, D. Jeffries, Sir C. Johnson, P. Judd, D. Keatley, P. Knaplund, P. Lavin, D. Lloyd, L. Low, D. MacDonald, F.

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Madden, F. Maltby, R. Quartermaine eds. Mansergh, N. May, A. Mayall, J. McIntyre, W. Brown and W. Louis eds. Menezes, D: The Commonwealth of Values. Miller, J. Mills, G. Morgan, D. Murphy, P. Olechowicz, A.

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Oliver, B. Pham, P. Porter, A. Shaw, T. Smith, A. Deutsch, Srinivasan, K. Stockwell, S. Ward, S.

The Contemporary Commonwealth

Wheare, K. Wilson, K.

Winks, R. Beloff, M. Craggs, R. China has been unsuccessful so far in its efforts to nurture a group of globally competitive firms with leading global technologies and brands. Whether it will be successful in the future is an open question. This balanced analysis replaces rhetoric with evidence and argument. It provides a much-needed perspective on current debates about China's growing power and it will contribute to a constructive dialogue between China and the West.

Philosophic Pride is the first full-scale look at the essential place of Stoicism in the foundations of modern political thought. Spanning the period from Justus Lipsius's Politics in to Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Emile in , and concentrating on arguments originating from England, France, and the Netherlands, the book considers how political writers of the period engaged with the ideas of the Roman and Greek Stoics that they found in works by Cicero, Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius.

Christopher Brooke examines key texts in their historical context, paying special attention to the history of classical scholarship and the historiography of philosophy. Brooke delves into the persisting tension between Stoicism and the tradition of Augustinian anti-Stoic criticism, which held Stoicism to be a philosophy for the proud who denied their fallen condition.

Concentrating on arguments in moral psychology surrounding the foundations of human sociability and self-love, Philosophic Pride details how the engagement with Roman Stoicism shaped early modern political philosophy and offers significant new interpretations of Lipsius and Rousseau together with fresh perspectives on the political thought of Hugo Grotius and Thomas Hobbes.

Philosophic Pride shows how the legacy of the Stoics played a vital role in European intellectual life in the early modern era. Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington-but not for the reasons you think.


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China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community. In The Beijing Consensus , a leading expert in international relations presents a coherent integration of the many sides of U. This collection of essays has been assembled to mark the centenary of The Round Table.

It provides an analysis of the modern Commonwealth since the establishment of the Secretariat in Providing an overview of the contemporary Commonwealth, this book places the organization in its rich historical context while assessing its achievements, failures and prospects. The volume is divided into two parts:. It also examines the ways in which the Commonwealth sometimes reinforces regional loyalties and interests but also the extent to which these have also reduced the importance of the Commonwealth in the foreign policy of its member states. The Contemporary Commonwealth will be of interest to students and scholars of international politics and international organisations, practitioners ,journalists and those working in NGOs involved in Commonwealth affairs.

This collection of essays is intended as a companion volume to The Commonwealth and International Affairs, edited by Alex May, marking the centenary of The Round Table. Few developments in the two decades after were as revealing of the character of the international system, of the gaps between liberal discourse and practice, and of the fleeting nature of the Western hegemonic moment. What made the new protectorates possible?

What were they like as an actual political experience? How contradictory was their reception? Why was the process of governing others for their own good so flawed and why were the outcomes so disappointing? These are among the questions addressed by some of the leading authorities in the field, including Stefan Halper, Christopher Clapham, Mats Berdal and Richard Caplan.

Political philosophy is a field of study which aims to clarify our most fundamental ethical questions as human beings living in societies under conditions of scarce resources and unequal power: How should we live? What does a good life look like? What kind of social and political arrangements are most conducive to living good lives? Puzzles in contemporary political philosophy shows the relevance of classical and contemporary thinkers to our own lives and the world we live in today.

This introduction uses a wealth of real-world examples drawn from the South African context to explore some of these questions: We value freedom but where should the limits to our freedom lie? What do we mean by equality? Do we mean that we want people to be equally happy, or equally successful, or equally well fed?

We think of democracies as places where citizens can enjoy a certain measure of justice, but what is meant by "justice"? Is it a particular form of distribution of goods, of services, of opportunities? Is justice the same as "equality" or is there a difference? Are some forms of inequality "just"? The Commonwealth Secretary-General was even challenged for his re-election. Can the crisis over Zimbabwe in be considered as one of the main failures of the modern Commonwealth, breaking the momentum of Commonwealth action for democracy?

Establishment of the Troika of past, current and future chairpersons of the Commonwealth represented a move to go above the Foreign Ministers who served on CMAG, and an implicit criticism of its competence. Mbeki did not want to force Zimbabwe out of the Commonwealth. At Abuja another committee was set up, under P. Patterson, Prime Minister of Jamaica, to seek a compromise. Its efforts were short-circuited when Mugabe unilaterally decided to take his government out of the organisation.

But like the withdrawal of white South Africa in ,. This was important, for there had been much cynicism about Commonwealth declarations; governments had been happy to agree hortatory statements in the belief that no one would hold them to their commitments. Nevertheless, the withdrawal of Zimbabwe at the end of the diplomatic duel left CMAG severely weakened, and the Commonwealth unwilling to push forward on either democracy or human rights.

This inability was exemplified by the arrival of a new member of the Commonwealth after the departure of Zimbabwe. In , Rwanda, a Francophone state whose standards of democracy and human rights had been criticised by the non-governmental Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and other reputable bodies, was permitted to join. In of course, two Commonwealth states, the United Kingdom and Australia, joined the United States in an invasion of Iraq of doubtful international legality which also led to serious criticism of human rights abuse.

Has the organization brought support to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change in the same way as it supported the nationalist movements prior to independence? Within two months of UDI, the Commonwealth began to mount an extensive programme of training and scholarships for black Rhodesians.

By April , when they returned to take up posts in independent Zimbabwe, more than twenty-five Commonwealth governments had provided study and employment experience for over Zimbabweans. Nothing comparable has been attempted since Zimbabwe withdrew in The official Commonwealth has also been wary of engaging with either the so-called unity government — of ZANU-PF and the two MDC components set up in — or with any of the political parties.

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In fact, after , the Commonwealth Secretariat seems to have regarded Zimbabwe as too hot a potato. For around six years, the Commonwealth Foundation, tasked to support civil society, refused to finance civil society interaction on the grounds that the state had left the Commonwealth. Some countries have complained that civil society has taken more interest in the case of Zimbabwe than in the equally intractable case of Fiji.

Nonetheless, civil society has been developing contacts with Zimbabweans — this includes South African as well as British-based civil society — at a time when there has been little movement at the official level. Formally, the Commonwealth Secretariat has deferred to the SADC mediation process, and it may be expected that, after Zimbabwe has a new constitution and internationally accepted elections, official contact will resume.

Most expect that Zimbabwe will in due course rejoin the Commonwealth. Reflected in Catastrophe is your personal commitment to democracy and human rights in the contemporary world. Anyone trying to understand the fight for human rights in the contemporary Commonwealth would have to take into account the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, of which you were the first director. With its main headquarters in New Delhi, the CHR1 also reflects emerging powers and the efforts to spread institutions more widely across the Commonwealth. To what extent is the recent decision by Commonwealth heads to delay the establishment of a democracy and human rights commissioner as recommended in the EPG report a blow to the aspirations of the people of the Commonwealth?

Its stimulus came from the need to respond to propaganda from the apartheid regime in South Africa, which attacked Commonwealth countries for dictatorial governments and human rights abuse. After starting in London, where I was the first director, it moved to New Delhi in ; its staff is now around 50 persons and it retains small offices in London and Accra. The CHRI has campaigned for a stronger role for the Commonwealth in human rights, while avoiding duplication with UN and regional machinery. The Commonwealth has certain advantages in pursuing a human rights agenda.

The majority of members today are developing states, with an urgent need to improve socioeconomic as well as civil and political rights. Commonalities of law, language, education, administration and parliamentary practice promote informal exchanges which can help to realise human rights. The problem with.

The danger, therefore, is that citizens in the Commonwealth think that the association whitewashes events which negate its proclaimed values, does nothing about them, and is an organised hypocrisy of little utility. The British coalition government has made a number of statements that place the Commonwealth back in the central framework of British diplomacy.

Further, Lord Howell, a Minister now who led an investigation into the future of the Commonwealth when chairing a House of Commons committee in , is particularly interested in the Commonwealth as a trading network. He points out the large number of Commonwealth developing states with high growth rates, and the significance of countries like India, Pakistan and South Africa for British investment, exports of manufactures and services.

At the recent Commonwealth Business Forum in Perth, run by the Commonwealth Business Council which was set up with British funding in , there were business people present — including Chinese — and many heads of government. Politically, the support of Commonwealth sporting bodies was crucial for London winning the Olympic Games.

After showing little interest in the Commonwealth networks for many years, the British government is trying to put new effort into them. However, the United Kingdom is often unsure of how to work in the.