View all copies of this ISBN edition:. Synopsis About this title The thesis of this book is that now that communism has collapsed the world over there is no alternative to free market capitalism and liberal democracy.
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Review : "Awesome Until now, the triumph of the West was merely a fact. Fukuyama has given it a deep and highly original meaning. Immensely ambitious A tightly argued work of political philosophy Fukuyama deserves to have his argument taken seriously. Complex and interesting Fukuyama is to be applauded for posing important questions in serious and stimulating ways. A superb book. Whether or not one accepts his thesis, he has injected serious political philosophy into the discussion of political affairs and thereby significantly enriched it. Buy New Learn more about this copy. About AbeBooks.
Other Popular Editions of the Same Title. Penguin, Softcover. The Fr This proposition is, at any rate, worth debating. Unfortunately, such complacency was succeeded by the totalitarian era, from which we are only just beginning, rather tentatively I would say, to emerge.
Moreover, it gets him only as far as page 42, and he still has more than pages to fill. Dick, in David Copperfield , is writing to the Lord Chancellor. Perhaps the fairest comment I can make is to recall the exchange between the High Court Judge and the sharptongued barrister F. Smith, and I am none the wiser.
Or Paraguay? Or genocidal Sri Lanka? What is true is that, for the first time in history, every single nation in Western Europe is now, theoretically at least, a democracy under the rule of law, and there has been a strong movement toward political and economic freedom in Eastern Europe, too.
Bring back ideology: Fukuyama's 'end of history' 25 years on
But with some exceptions, much the same could have been said of Europe in , and look what followed. Even in Western Europe, the credentials of some countries need examination. In France, for instance, the ability of citizens, either as individuals or through their puny parliament, to resist the overweening power of the state is minute—though perhaps Fukuyama, as a Hegelian, and so a state-worshipper, would approve of that. Elsewhere, the outlook is much darker.
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The one liberal democracy in the African continent, the Republic of South Africa, has a parliamentary democracy, albeit limited to the white race, and a rule of law which extends to all; it is now threatened by black power under an unreconstructed Stalinist-type party.
There are democratic stirrings in Africa, after a long night of Marxist and collectivist failure, but they are no more than stirrings. In South America if not in Central America , the skies are a little lighter, at any rate for the present, though that part of the world specializes in false dawns. And it must be pointed out, as Fukuyama half-admits, that the present wave of economic liberalism is almost entirely due to the success of the seventeen-year military dictatorship of General Pinochet in Chile. The freeing of what had been an economy strangled by collectivist regimentation and bureaucracy could only have been achieved by a masterful man of his stamp, able to do as much as he pleased by virtue of his bayonets.
And, though many neighboring countries currently going through a democratic, parliamentary phase—such as Argentina—have taken courage to follow suit, it remains to be seen whether their governments have the stamina to go on with it. In the Latin American context, I fear, democracy and economic liberalism tend to be mutually exclusive, a point not lost on that wise old Pole, Joseph Conrad cf. As for Asia, who will be bold enough to predict the political future of the three key peoples, the Japanese, the Indians, and the Chinese?
Believing, as I do, that political freedom and economic freedom are ultimately indivisible, and that if you embark on one the other must eventually follow suit, I assume that if the Beijing regime reverts to its program of commercial liberalization, as it seems inclined to do, moves toward political democracy must follow. But I would not bet one Kuomintang dollar on it. But its survival, amid all the stresses of race, region, and religion, is a kind of daily miracle, a gift from God. Then there is Japan, another half-century-old democracy.
Fukuyama classifies it as a liberal one, and so in certain technical respects it may be; but in other, much more important respects, it is not, or not yet. To me, Japan is the most elusive and impenetrable nation on earth, which in some ways has more in common with the Middle Kingdom of ancient Egypt than anything in contemporary society. If these conditions should change, will Japan, a country with a large and now-affluent population and few natural resources, look elsewhere for political salvation?
Has democracy, let alone liberalism, struck deep, self-sustaining roots in Japanese civic habits and attitudes? How can we possibly say? The Japanese, or so many of them tell me, do not even know themselves; or if they do know, are not saying. Fukuyama assumes that America is intrinsically and incorrigibly liberal-democratic, the fons et origo of the concept. Of the 64 countries in his table, it is the only one to score full marks all the way through from to Yet because a state may formally qualify for the status of a liberal democracy, it does not follow that all its inhabitants enjoy the benefits.
End of History and the Last Man by Francis Fukuyama - Book - Read Online
Can we say a society is democratic if democracy is not in fact practiced, or is under the rule of law if law is not, in reality, available? One problem Fukuyama does not consider is the way in which liberal democracy, or liberalism tout court , breeds its own nemesis. Let us take an illustration from a recent examination of the state of the U. Davidson and William Rees-Mogg.
They cite Dodge City in as an example of a primitive, pre-civil society, without representative government, police, courts, or justice of any kind. Its murder rate was, accordingly, high.
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But it was only half, per capita, of the murder rate in Washington, D.