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And before landing his job as Court Magician, young Skeeve had seen a thing or two. But Tanda wanted it - and, as a rule, whatever the beautiful Tanda wants, Tanda gets. The problem is, getting it will take more than luck. It will take all the talents of a young but gifted magician, a scaley but canny Pervect, and a charming demon not above a little interdimensional thievery. Hit or Myth - pp, 4th printing, ISBN - "King Roderick takes a powder - leaving Skeeve in his place to marry his homicidal fiancee Hemlock and face the tender mercies of Bruce, the Mob's fairy godfather who wants Skeeve working for him - or not at all.

On top of that, Aahz has taken a forced vacation, a two-ton demon has a crush of Skeeve, and both Possiltum and Deva are about to be invaded. Finding Aahz ought to be a snap for a talented magician like Skeeve, especially with a sassy apprentice and a dumb but brawny bodyguard along for the ride. The trouble is, they're sleuthing in another dimension: a strange and chilly realm where day is night and humans are considered monsters. Add a murder rap, a couple of vampires, and the fact that magic doesn't work here, and you've got a trio in real hot water!

Little Myth Marker - pp, 1st printing, ISBN - " Skeeve bluffs his way into a high-stakes game of dragon poker and, by some miracle, wins. Then, still flush with luck, he heads straight for the king of dragon poker, the Sen-Sen Ante Kid. And with a pot of half a million, there'd better not be any myth-deals. But even if Skeeve can hold his own in a high-stakes game, there's still Markie. Left as a pint-sized IOU by a player who went broke, she conjures a house full of trouble every time she tries to cast a spell.

And to top it off, jealous magicians have hired the notorious assassin, The Axe, to cut more than the deck -. Exteriors - some edges of text blocks have very light browning, slight browning to spines of four volumes, very light edge wear, volume 2 has a very light spine crease, volume 1 has a small faint stain on the bottom of the text block, volume 5 has a very small number stamped on bottom of text block, two volumes have slight spine lean. Slipcase has several light water stains on top panel, very light edge wear - mainly at corners, very small bump at bottom rear edge, a few tiny foxing marks on inside of rear panel.

Size: 23cm x 18cm. Text is in English; Japanese. ISBN: Soft cover. Book, Advance Reader's Edition of this fictional "story of the Gerasene demoniac, a tale of mystery, horror, and hope in the midst of unimaginable darkness". First Edition, Disbound. Note; this is an original article separated from the volume, not an offprint or a reprint. Size: Octavo. Category: Partisan Review; Inventory No: Book may have a remainder mark. Mailorder only - Alleen verzending mogelijk. Condition : very good.

First Ballantine Books edition.

Professor Vrasidas Karalis - The University of Sydney

Softcover; 14th Printing. Gift quality condition. If a photo is showing with this description it is not from us. If you would like a photo, please request one. Need to send a gift? We offer free domestic drop delivery, free gift wrapping and card for almost any occasion. Just let us know the occasion and your message. Reprint, Hardcover. First Edition. ISBN: Clean text, name inside. Good in Good dust jacket. Bookshop Baltimore namus [Books from Bookshop Baltimore]. Winner Takes All.

The God Killer. Wolf in the Fold. Fisher cracks down on toughs with the deadly dagger that she wields with unflinching skill. Their merciless beat is the rough town misnamed Haven - a dark and murderous place overrun with spell-casters, demons, and thieves. Ready money will buy anything in their town. Anything except justice. That requires a magic touch. Some cities prefer the traditional cruelties of bearbaiting or cockfights, while others indulge their baser appetites with gladiators and arenas. The city port of Haven gets its thrills with the dirtiest bloodiest sport of all.

They are real and unreal, both and neither. They inspire worship and fear. The Street is theirs and theirs alone. And now, someone or something is killing them, one by one. Hawk and Fisher are on special assignment, on a street where none of the laws of nature apply - and very few of Haven's. But the wealthy MacNeils of Haven have a terrorist in their bloodline - with an emphasis on blood. Hawk and Fisher are quick to learn that even high society has its share of lowlifes, and they plan to go undercover to expose the criminal. But the skeletons they find in the closet might be their own. Exteriors - light edge wear, book 4 has two tiny corner creases some light browning to edges of text blocks, book 2 has a faint spine crease.

A Fine Hardcover Volume with printed panels, no jacket issued. Tall octavo. Rare photographs and plates. Royal octavo. In traditional witchcraft and demonology studies, this is a must have reference. Numerous tables and illustrations. Tall 8vo. Six volumes. Bibliomania namus [Books from Bibliomania]. First Edition; First Printing. Illustrated by Angela Ogden. Very Good in Good dust jacket. Size: 22cm x 14cm. Book is in Good Plus condition, by which we mean it has marks of age and is worn from handling, but is still intact and good for reading, and while it possesses some undesirable defects is still a presentable copy.

Light foxing. Dust Jacket is fully intact, no tears or chips, but carries signs of wear to top and bottom edges, corners etc. Foxing to inside of jacket. Slightly cocked. Grey booklet with black print. Clean contents. This booklet is protected by an archival quality sleeve to maintain present condition. We provide delivery tracking on US orders. Booklet Paperback may indicate a booklet, phamplet, tract or book. Very Good with no dust jacket. Blue booklet.

Rare imprint. William B. Godbey was one of the most influential evangelists of the Wesleyan-holiness movement in its formative period Thousands of people experienced conversion or entire sanctification under his ministry, and Godbey gained a reputation for having revivals everywhere he went. A prolific author, he dictated over books and pamphlets and wrote numerous articles for holiness periodicals.

He produced a new translation of the New Testament in , and published a seven-volume Commentary on the New Testament Possibly no publication date in item. Paperback may indicate a booklet, phamplet, tract or book. First Impression. Original printing not a reprint. Green cover with gold print. Very clean contents. A series of lecture on spiritualish, demonology, antichrist, darkness, etc.

George Braziller. First edition. As new. A fine work on Japanese prints in which ghosts and demons are the main subject. Later printing.. Red coloured boards with gilt coloured titles to the back strip. Plaintext dustwrapper with gold and red coloured titles to the front panel and back strip. Parenti's careful exploration of biblical texts reveals the violent animus that finds expression in religion driven Imperial and colonial regimes today. Parenti's expose of the political links between the Dalai Lama and the CIA is, in itself, worth the price of the book.

He Is God and His Demons is a tour de force, combining serious scholarship and political passion with wry wit — all written in a language accessible lay reader. A hint of rubbing to the dustwrapper edges and panels. Full Number Line. Please refer to accompanying picture s. Syber's Books anzau [Books from Syber's Books].

Book is in Good condition, by which we mean it has marks of age and is well worn from handling, but is still intact and good for reading. Light foxing to outside edges of text block. Shelf and edge wear to covers. Some creasing to covers. Light browning to pages. Hard Cover in Dust Jacket. New from publisher ; small feltpen dot bottom edge ; Never opened , Never owned. When security business owner Gemma Lincoln wakes up one morning She discovers that her friend Detective Sergeant Angie McDonald has a similar video Gemma's father Aged 5 at the time of the murder of her mother Gemma believes her father is innocent The plague left a severe impact on urban life.

Although the urban poor were the first to suffer from the devastating effects, the pestilence soon spread to the wealthier districts. As if the threat of disease was not problem enough, bread became scarce, and some of the sick may actually have died of starvation, rather than disease. Streets were deserted, and all trades were abandoned. In an effort to economize, civic governments curtailed salaries for teachers and physicians and slashed the budgets for public entertainment.

Although many rural areas were spared from the plague, those areas infected were crippled. This, in turn, affected the urban areas, since a reasonable harvest was essential to ensure that the cities would not experience food shortages. In Syria and Palestine, the plague reached the interior farmlands after the planting, and the crops ripened with no one to harvest them.

Taxes on farmland whose owners died of plague became the responsibility of the neighboring landholders. In actuality, this regulation, had existed as a standard practice in the empire long before the plague years. In , Justinian attempted to ease the financial distress of these landowning subjects by ruling that unpaid taxes on these deserted properties should not be charged to the neighboring landowners. The plague also attributed to the shrinkage of two particular groups in the empire, namely the army and the monastic houses. Even without the shortage of manpower caused by the plague, recruits for the army had become increasingly more difficult to find, with the result that the empire was mostly served by barbarian mercenaries.

Fortunately for the Romans, the plague had also attacked and weakened the Persian empire. In most other areas of the empire however, they were not so fortunate. In Italy, the Ostrogoths resumed the war, and new revolts broke out in the previously subdued African provinces. There were also renewed threats from the eastern barbarian tribes. Remnants of the Asiatic Avars, whom Chagan Baian had reunited, approached the imperial frontiers for recognition, and the Kotrigur Khan attacked the Balkan territories.

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Another group greatly affected by the plague included the monasteries. In the area of Constantinople, records list over eighty monasteries before ; however, after the plague, most of these seem to disappear. Highly infectious contagious diseases like the bubonic plague thrive in close-knit populations.


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Although there were these setbacks in the growth of the clergy, the Byzantine empire moved into closer alliance with the church in the crises of the sixth century. Surrounded by disasters, the religiosity of the people increased, and the church financially benefited from private resources which would have previously supported civic projects. Although building activity continued in the empire, indicating that some level of prosperity persisted, the types of construction changed.

In Syria for example, there was a marked shift from civic construction to the building of churches and monasteries by the middle of the century.

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In comparison, the church could receive funding from private donors, individuals whose purse strings were loosened by their brush with death. Unfortunately, the bubonic plague was not the only disaster of the time. In the Secret History , Procopius catalogued the natural catastrophes, including floods and earthquakes, as well as barbarian invasions, that had afflicted the empire since Justinian began his reign in He claimed that at least half of the survivors of these previous calamities then died of the plague. To explain these events, Procopius in his Secret History stated that God had turned away from the empire because it was ruled by a demon emperor.

During the reign of Justinian, the classical literary tradition was in the process of being adapted to Christian culture and history. A Christian writer could not employ the classical notion of moira as a causal factor in history. Although Procopius regarded religious events as inappropriate for his histories, he is clearly the last of the classical historians in this respect.

This is especially apparent in the Christian plague accounts. The Christian writers, whose literary plague model was the Book of Revelation, clearly felt that the plague was a punishment sent by God in response to human sinfulness. Symeon the Younger tearfully prayed to Christ, and received the reply, "The sins of this people are manifold, and why do you bother yourself about their diseases? For you love them no more than I.

In this way, many who were infected with the disease called on St. Symeon, and were cured. Gall, who saved his flock from the plague.

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To modern readers, the accounts of the plague, even those of the Christian writers, seem strikingly sober, given the magnitude of the disaster. Procopius and Agathias, like Thucydides before them, employed a detached, almost agnostic, stance, while the Christian writers accepted the plague as a just punishment from God. The general populace seems almost accepting of the calamity. John of Ephesus reported visions, but even these are nothing compared with the wild descriptions which accompanied the Black Death of the fourteenth century.

Henry Knighton, who wrote a chronicle in England during the Black Death, claimed that the earth had swallowed many cities in Corinth and Achaia, and in Cyprus, the mountains were leveled causing the rivers to submerge the nearby cities. The hallucinations described by John of Ephesus could be a symptom of the plague, but the description indicated by the medieval chronicle illuminates a greater hysteria.

The Justinianic plague, apart from its devastating immediate impact, is generally viewed as undermining the late Roman empire, politically and economically, creating conditions ripe for disaster. Also, the depopulation of the urban centers might have created a structural imbalance in favor of the desert Arabs.

The main problem with this thesis is the lack of firm demographic evidence for the late Roman empire. Before plague mortality can be determined, modern scholars need an estimate of the overall population of the empire for this period. Unfortunately, this information has not been effectively determined. There are also other problems in calculating definitive population data. Although any kind of epidemic disease has severe effects on a previously unexposed population, the recurrences of that disease would not be as devastating.

The many other natural catastrophes during this period constitute another problem when trying to determine plague mortality. Even if it could be determined that , people perished in Constantinople during the spring of , there would still be a question whether these individuals died from the plague or in the massive earthquake which also occurred at this time. The sources to discover this type of information unfortunately do not exist. Because scholars have been unable to determine the overall population, they have attempted to conclude the mortality rates in well-documented cities, such as Constantinople.

The population of Constantinople, however, has also not been determined conclusively. John of Ephesus stated that people died at a rate of 5, to 16, a day, and that men at the city gates stopped counting the exiting corpses at , when they realized the bodies were innumerable. Although this conclusion seems high, John of Ephesus, who was travelling during the first outbreak of the plague, noted that the deaths in Constantinople exceeded those in other cities.

Some cities became practically deserted from the plague, while others, especially those which were not trade centers, were less affected. Faced with these difficulties, and in light of the need for additional demographic data, scholars have postulated an overall mortality rate for the empire of about one-third of the population, which, not surprisingly, happens to be a figure comparable to the toll probably taken by the Black Death.

Although the evidence for the plague being devastating to the empire stems from vague and unquantifiable literary accounts, the evidence to the contrary is not conclusive. For example, after the Black Death, the marriage rate increased sharply, and resulted in prolific unions. Agathias observed, however, that young men suffered the most from the plague. If this observation was true, combined his statement that the plague recurred at fifteen year intervals, this clearly would have caused disastrous demographic consequences.

Although this is troubling, John of Ephesus did state that Alexandria was not affected like the city of Constantinople. Another objection is that despite literary sources recounting tales of bodies overflowing graveyards, nowhere has any archaeologist working in the Near East discovered a plague pit.

These questions do not deny the existence of the plague, but simply challenge whether it had enduring catastrophic effects on the empire. The Black Death in medieval Europe has been described as having a "purgative rather than toxic" effect on what had previously been an over-populated society facing Malthusian checks. In , Justinian issued a law which vetoed pay increases for artisans, laborers, and sailors, in an effort to control wage inflation.

Sean Henderson

Although it is clear that the plague did devastate the empire, at least temporarily, it is necessary to remember that the Roman Empire in was still a powerful state, facing favorable political conditions, and supported by a prosperous economy. Throughout history, plagues have severely affected human societies. To understand their effects, however, there is a need for much demographic and archaeological research.

Many of the archaeological investigations conducted in the Near East have not been carried out in a sufficiently methodical manner; they have been in effect, exercises in treasure hunting. In Athens, few digs have concentrated on the problems presented by the plague. The superimposition of modern cities on these ancient sites has also hampered archaeological investigations in some areas of the greatest importance, notably Constantinople.

Politics have, unfortunately, also played a part in these difficulties. In the future, perhaps new investigations into the mediums of archaeology and demographics will offer more insights into the effects and consequences of the Athenian and Justinianic plagues. The city of Athens was overcrowded because Pericles had arranged for the rural population to enter the city before the Spartan siege. There is unfortunately no demographic evidence to determine the mortality rate of the Athenian plague.

The "ineffectual retching" has recently been retranslated as "hiccuping" by Olson, who attempts to connect the Athenian plague with the disease Ebola. Ebola is the only epidemic diseas which has hiccuping as a symptom, and the word means hiccuping elsewhere in Greek literature, for instance, in Plato's Symposium. The search to identify the Athenian plague is discussed in greater detail later in this paper.

The Athenian plague was directly contagious, probably by means of airborne droplet infection. It spread to other cities when infected individuals either traveled or fled to the new areas. Galen listed some of the symptoms of the pestilence in On the Natural Faculties ; however, since he did not go with Marcus Aurelius on campaign, he possibly did not see the disease first hand. Gilliam mentions this thesis, but does not offer any evidence; see "The Plague under Marcus Aurelius," American Jounral of Philology 82 Nicol, "Justinian I and his successors, A.

All following Procopius citations will be from "The Persian War," unless otherwise stated. Despite this, the plague remained endemic at least until the end of the seventh century, and took roughly two-and-a-half centuries to burn itself out; the Black Death in Europe remained endemic for roughly the same amount of time; P. Allen, "The 'Justinianic' Plague," Byzantion 49 14, citing among others the works of Agapius, Bede, Theophanes, Theophylact, and the Vita of John the Almsgiver by Leontius of Neapolis, which record the various outbreaks of the plagues.

Thucydides, 11, 51 and Procopius, Wars, 11, Poole and J. Langmuir, et al. Thucydides, 11, 51, 5 and Procopius, Wars II, 22, Barker asserts the Justinianic plague spread from Asia because this is where the Black Death of originated; pp. Allen agrees with this thesis, since Justinian did not steal silkworm eggs from the China until , p. Ethiopia, which was situated at the southern edge of the ancient known world, was the warmest place known to the Greeks and Romans. Thucydides also claimed the Athenian plague originated in Ethiopia.

Modem scholars who support the Asian plague origin thesis believe trade brought the disease to Egypt. Syria and Palestine were included in Oriens, a diocese established by Diocletian. It was the easternmost part of the Roman Empire. It may also have been the first pandemic disease. Philip Ziegler, The Black Death Harmondsworth, discusses three historical pandemics: the Justinianic plague, the Black Death of , and an ongoing contagion which began in Yunnan in , pp.

Buboes appear near the lymphatic nodes area closest to where the individual was first infected with the disease; hence, the groin is a common site for buboes, since legs present an easy target for fleas. Boccaccio mentions similar spots in his description of the Black Death of in the Introduction to his Decameron. Zinsser, p. Agathias does not offer any evidence as to why this statistic was true.

It is possible that the previously healthy young men bore the burden of society during this time of sickness, perhaps increasing their susceptibility. There is no mention in the sources, however, of the plague spreading to the livestock, an event which would certainly have increased the chaos in the countryside. Justinian would eventually recover from the plague. Incidentally, at this time Belisarius, the general under whom Procopius served, was ousted from power, for reportedly engaging in treasonous activities during the dark days of Justinian's illness.

After this incident, we hear little of and from Procopius, indicating that his fortunes very likely took a downward turn with Belisarius' fall from imperial grace. When possible, he related that some work was done with mules or horses; Evans, Age, p. It seems possible, however, that the cattle may have fallen victim to the plague, if we accept John of Ephesus' statement that the plague affected dogs, mice, and even snakes; fragment 11, G.

Bury, Later Roman Empire , Vol. II, p.