The logic of this design was to address directly the implied or explicit suggestion that marriage within the UK ethnic population is preferable in integration terms to transnational marriage Home Office, ; Kofman et al. The sibling pair design holds constant some variables which may be independently related to integration but may also influence the likelihood of transnational marriage and therefore give rise to the danger of inappropriate attribution of causality to marriage choices.
Siblings are likely to share a number of relevant background characteristics e. The inclusion of couples who had experienced the changes associated with marriage but without the involvement of international migration permitted reflection on the role of family related life course effectors. Interviewing wherever possible both spouses in a marriage and other family members in the sibling sets enhanced the potential to explore the intertwining of processes of integration within couples and families.
To address variation in local structural opportunities and constraints, important in our model of integration, the original survey design located the study in two contrasting cities, Bristol in the South-West of England and the conurbation of Bradford and Leeds in the North. Those sites were selected to reflect differing patterns of residential concentration cf.
The multiple sites were designed to permit exploration of local structural opportunities and barriers to integration processes, avoiding overemphasis on individual factors.
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Challenges with recruiting the sibling-pair sample Footnote 6 , however, meant that recruitment was expanded to include Birmingham and the Midlands, reducing our capacity for systematic comparison between sites and hence, crucially, findings on the impact of place. Interview questions addressing the area of residence did provide some limited data. Interviews schedules were structured to take the interviewees through their experiences in each integration domain, exploring potential effectors and the impact of experiences in one domain upon those in another. Thus questions relating to the structural domain, for instance, explored experiences inter alia in relation to the labour market, health care, and welfare benefits, seeking to identify the full range of potential effectors from education and skill levels through cultural expectations to non-recognition of qualifications and perceptions of discrimination.
In the social domain the interview explored social networks and the frequency and places of contact, teasing out the effectors which shape those experiences including family relationships, cultural expectations and the opportunities provided by pre-marriage contacts for those who were UK born. In the identity domain feelings of belonging in relation to neighbourhood, city and nation were explored, again teasing out the factors that may contribute to this.
The innovation in this approach did not lie in the issues covered by the interview questions, all resonant of earlier studies on aspects of integration, but in the deliberate structuring of the interviews to cover each integration domain; in the focus on the effectors that explain experiences; and in the exploration of the impact of experiences in one domain on another.
Coding of interviews using NVivo enabled these connections to be identified, and comparison to be made between couple types within and between ethnic groups. Whilst, as noted above, parts of this complex research design proved challenging to implement, the data generated nevertheless provides rich material with which to explore and compare the relationships between marriage migration and processes of integration, revealing patterns and variation within and between groups which we will set out more fully elsewhere.
Here, three examples of couples from our Pakistani sample serve to illustrate the way in which our model can illuminate the multiple processes at work. It also illustrates the entanglement of integration processes within family relationships, and the key role played by life course events: in this case marriage and having children. Case A is a British Pakistani woman whose family withdrew her from school at the age of 12 to look after her ill mother. She had an early transnational marriage and has never been in paid employment.
Her husband is a semi-skilled manual worker, with limited social networks. Making do on his income alone, the couple and their children live rent-free in a house owned by her brother. Whilst she remains inactive in the labour market, she has actively developed wider participation in the social and civic domains.
Identity (social science) - Wikipedia
One consequence of her transnational marriage is that her in-laws are in Pakistan. Case B illustrates a further feature of integration processes that is insufficiently understood: the impact of participation in one domain on another. It also demonstrates the range of effectors that can contribute across domains. He enrolled on an English course but was so tired from his long working hours that the teacher said there was no point in his continuing to attend. He changed jobs to work in the building trade, learnt his trade from fellow Pakistanis but also from white British workmates, and improved his English through conversation in that environment.
He then felt able to enrol on a series of college courses and now has his own building company. His second line of employment, however, offered contrasting opportunities for employment, economic gain, and social engagement. Case C illustrates the way in which a policy effector can operate as a barrier to integration despite apparent advantages in terms of effectors relating to individual human capital, and to the family.
It also speaks once more to the importance of life course issues. She needs to convert her qualifications in order to teach in the UK and both she and her family are keen that she should do so. By the time she gains access to student funding, it is likely that she will have entered motherhood, when caring responsibilities may well provide a new barrier. Alternatively, they may wait until their children are older — one Pakistani migrant wife becoming a successful entrepreneur in an ethnic niche industry once her children were in their teens.
Only in this way, in our case study on the relationship between marriage migration and integration, could we identify the potential relevance of marriage with a partner from abroad among the full range of factors at play. It is characterised by identifying the domains in which integration processes take place structural, social, cultural, civic-political and identificational , their multi-directional, spatial and temporal character, and their interdependence: experience in one domain impacting on experience in another.
The outcome may be greater participation in one domain than in another; and participation in or identification with a sub-section of society in that or all respects. Identifying families here as one prime source of effectors helps to focus the spotlight on life course events such as marriage and having children: events which may impact significantly on integration processes regardless of the transnational experience of the parent.
It also serves to remind us of the centrality of gender, across domains. On our choice of case study, we argued that spousal migration is important for the study of integration not just as a significant source of cross-border mobility but because it highlights several often neglected aspects of integration, not least the family, life course and gender, with relevance beyond this particular migration stream.
Drawing on our study on marriage migration we demonstrated the value of our model, ensuring as it does that a study does not fall into the trap of investigating experiences in one domain of integration without regard to the impact in others, or fail to recognise the full range of effectors which may be at play.
It requires that we focus not only on the characteristics that the married couple bring to the table but on the structural opportunities or barriers they may face; and recognise that the processes of integration are continually ebbing and flowing: outcomes are merely a snapshot at one point in time.
Outlining the mixed method deployed for the study, we showed that a background statistical portrait could only be developed across some indicators of integration, while qualitative interviews enabled us to explore experiences across integration domains — analysing their inter-relationship using the coding facility provided by NVivo. We shall report on the findings elsewhere but used three cases to illustrate how the qualitative material can illustrate the multiple, nonlinear, integration processes at work. The complexity of integration processes demand complex research designs which may be challenging to implement.
Operationalising our concept of integration did indeed present a series of challenges: the range of potential effectors to consider within each domain of integration, and difficulty of identifying and measuring their relative impact. Processes in some domains are easier to measure than others — mobility in the labour market, for instance, identified more easily than shifting attitudes of either the migrants or existing residents. It is easier to identify micro factors of which individual interviewees are aware than structural barriers such as lack of opportunities in the labour and housing markets which can differ between regions and neighbourhoods and change over time.
Lines of causality may not always be clear, nor the extent to which the impact of a life changing event such as marriage would have occurred without the added dimension of a partner from abroad. These challenges mean that there will be parts of the picture that emerge more clearly than others. We anticipate that our findings may provide more data on the ways in which human capital, marriage and family impacted on integration processes across domains than on key societal and policy effectors. What our model does enable us to do, however, is to situate our analysis within a broader understanding of the range of potential effectors.
In that way we can avoid falling into the trap of assuming that the effectors closest to the individuals and to the newcomers in particular are telling the whole story of the forces at play. The research involved new analysis of the Labour Force Survey household files, semi-structured interviews with 35 Indian Sikh 18 men, 17 women and 43 Pakistani Muslim 17 men, 26 women participants, and supplementary focus groups involving 25 further participants.
Employing these categories allows us to engage directly with policy and academic discourse in the field of marriage migration and integration, but we do not assume identification with these groups, nor suggest that interesting insights could not be gained from exploring processes affecting other populations. Ager, A. Understanding integration: A conceptual framework. Journal of Refugee Studies, 21 2 , — Ahmad, F. Raghuram Eds. Oxford: Berg.
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Rath Eds. Article first published as: Favell, A. In Grete Brochmann Ed. Emerald Group Publishing Limited. Fennema, M. Do immigrant politics matter? Ethnic civic communities and immigrant policies in Amsterdam, Liege, and Zurich. Penninx, K. Kraal, M. Vertovec Eds. Aldershot: Ashgate. Garbaye, R. Ethnic minority local councillors in French and British cities: social determinants and political opportunity structures. Integration processes and policies in Europe: contexts, levels and actors.
Heidelberg: Springer. Gidley, B. Gonzalez-Ferrer, A. Who do immigrants marry? Partner choice among single immigrants in Germany. European Sociological Review, 22 2 , — Goodhart, D. The British dream: successes and failures of post-war immigration. London: Atlantic Books. Heckmann, F. The integration of immigrants in European societies: national differences and trends of convergence.
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Policy and Politics, 40 4 , — It follows that the core of the research in this paradigm investigates the degrees to which a person has made certain explorations, and the degree to which he or she displays a commitment to those explorations. A person may display either relative weakness or relative strength in terms of both exploration and commitments. When assigned categories, four possible permutations result: identity diffusion, identity foreclosure, identity moratorium, and identity achievement.
Diffusion is when a person lacks both exploration in life and interest in committing even to those unchosen roles that he or she occupies. Foreclosure is when a person has not chosen extensively in the past, but seems willing to commit to some relevant values, goals, or roles in the future. Moratorium is when a person displays a kind of flightiness, ready to make choices but unable to commit to them. Finally, achievement is when a person makes identity choices and commits to them.
Weinreich's identity variant similarly includes the categories of identity diffusion, foreclosure and crisis, but with a somewhat different emphasis. Here, with respect to identity diffusion for example, an optimal level is interpreted as the norm, as it is unrealistic to expect an individual to resolve all their conflicted identifications with others; therefore we should be alert to individuals with levels which are much higher or lower than the norm — highly diffused individuals are classified as diffused, and those with low levels as foreclosed or defensive.
Weinreich applies the identity variant in a framework which also allows for the transition from one to another by way of biographical experiences and resolution of conflicted identifications situated in various contexts — for example, an adolescent going through family break-up may be in one state, whereas later in a stable marriage with a secure professional role may be in another. Hence, though there is continuity, there is also development and change. Laing's definition of identity closely follows Erikson's, in emphasising the past, present and future components of the experienced self.
He also develops the concept of the "metaperspective of self", i. Saunderson and O'Kane, At a general level, self-psychology is compelled to investigate the question of how the personal self relates to the social environment. To the extent that these theories place themselves in the tradition of "psychological" social psychology , they focus on explaining an individual's actions within a group in terms of mental events and states. However, some "sociological" social psychology theories go further by attempting to deal with the issue of identity at both the levels of individual cognition and of collective behavior.
Many people gain a sense of positive self-esteem from their identity groups, which furthers a sense of community and belonging.
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Another issue that researchers have attempted to address is the question of why people engage in discrimination , i. Both questions have been given extensive attention by researchers working in the social identity tradition. Different social situations also compel people to attach themselves to different self-identities which may cause some to feel marginalized, switch between different groups and self-identifications,  or reinterpret certain identity components. Educational background and occupational status and roles significantly influence identity formation in this regard.
Another issue of interest in social psychology is related to the notion that there are certain identity formation strategies which a person may use to adapt to the social world. Kenneth Gergen formulated additional classifications, which include the strategic manipulator , the pastiche personality , and the relational self. The strategic manipulator is a person who begins to regard all senses of identity merely as role-playing exercises, and who gradually becomes alienated from his or her social "self".
The pastiche personality abandons all aspirations toward a true or "essential" identity, instead viewing social interactions as opportunities to play out, and hence become, the roles they play. Finally, the relational self is a perspective by which persons abandon all sense of exclusive self, and view all sense of identity in terms of social engagement with others. For Gergen, these strategies follow one another in phases, and they are linked to the increase in popularity of postmodern culture and the rise of telecommunications technology.
Anthropologists have most frequently employed the term 'identity' to refer to this idea of selfhood in a loosely Eriksonian way Erikson properties based on the uniqueness and individuality which makes a person distinct from others. Identity became of more interest to anthropologists with the emergence of modern concerns with ethnicity and social movements in the s.
This was reinforced by an appreciation, following the trend in sociological thought, of the manner in which the individual is affected by and contributes to the overall social context. At the same time, the Eriksonian approach to identity remained in force, with the result that identity has continued until recently to be used in a largely socio-historical way to refer to qualities of sameness in relation to a person's connection to others and to a particular group of people.
The first favours a primordialist approach which takes the sense of self and belonging to a collective group as a fixed thing, defined by objective criteria such as common ancestry and common biological characteristics. The second, rooted in social constructionist theory, takes the view that identity is formed by a predominantly political choice of certain characteristics.
In so doing, it questions the idea that identity is a natural given, characterised by fixed, supposedly objective criteria. Both approaches need to be understood in their respective political and historical contexts, characterised by debate on issues of class, race and ethnicity. While they have been criticized, they continue to exert an influence on approaches to the conceptualisation of identity today.
These different explorations of 'identity' demonstrate how difficult a concept it is to pin down. Since identity is a virtual thing, it is impossible to define it empirically. Discussions of identity use the term with different meanings, from fundamental and abiding sameness, to fluidity, contingency, negotiated and so on. Indeed, many scholars demonstrate a tendency to follow their own preconceptions of identity, following more or less the frameworks listed above, rather than taking into account the mechanisms by which the concept is crystallised as reality.
Others, by contrast, have sought to introduce alternative concepts in an attempt to capture the dynamic and fluid qualities of human social self-expression. Hall , , for example, suggests treating identity as a process, to take into account the reality of diverse and ever-changing social experience.
Some scholars have introduced the idea of identification, whereby identity is perceived as made up of different components that are 'identified' and interpreted by individuals. The construction of an individual sense of self is achieved by personal choices regarding who and what to associate with. Such approaches are liberating in their recognition of the role of the individual in social interaction and the construction of identity. Anthropologists have contributed to the debate by shifting the focus of research: One of the first challenges for the researcher wishing to carry out empirical research in this area is to identify an appropriate analytical tool.
The concept of boundaries is useful here for demonstrating how identity works. In the same way as Barth, in his approach to ethnicity, advocated the critical focus for investigation as being "the ethnic boundary that defines the group rather than the cultural stuff that it encloses" , social anthropologists such as Cohen and Bray have shifted the focus of analytical study from identity to the boundaries that are used for purposes of identification. If identity is a kind of virtual site in which the dynamic processes and markers used for identification are made apparent, boundaries provide the framework on which this virtual site is built.
They concentrated on how the idea of community belonging is differently constructed by individual members and how individuals within the group conceive ethnic boundaries. As a non-directive and flexible analytical tool, the concept of boundaries helps both to map and to define the changeability and mutability that are characteristic of people's experiences of the self in society. While identity is a volatile, flexible and abstract 'thing', its manifestations and the ways in which it is exercised are often open to view.
Identity is made evident through the use of markers such as language , dress, behaviour and choice of space, whose effect depends on their recognition by other social beings. Markers help to create the boundaries that define similarities or differences between the marker wearer and the marker perceivers, their effectiveness depends on a shared understanding of their meaning. In a social context, misunderstandings can arise due to a misinterpretation of the significance of specific markers. Equally, an individual can use markers of identity to exert influence on other people without necessarily fulfilling all the criteria that an external observer might typically associate with such an abstract identity.
Boundaries can be inclusive or exclusive depending on how they are perceived by other people. An exclusive boundary arises, for example, when a person adopts a marker that imposes restrictions on the behaviour of others. An inclusive boundary is created, by contrast, by the use of a marker with which other people are ready and able to associate. At the same time, however, an inclusive boundary will also impose restrictions on the people it has included by limiting their inclusion within other boundaries.
An example of this is the use of a particular language by a newcomer in a room full of people speaking various languages. Some people may understand the language used by this person while others may not. Those who do not understand it might take the newcomer's use of this particular language merely as a neutral sign of identity. But they might also perceive it as imposing an exclusive boundary that is meant to mark them off from her. On the other hand, those who do understand the newcomer's language could take it as an inclusive boundary, through which the newcomer associates herself with them to the exclusion of the other people present.
Equally, however, it is possible that people who do understand the newcomer but who also speak another language may not want to speak the newcomer's language and so see her marker as an imposition and a negative boundary. It is possible that the newcomer is either aware or unaware of this, depending on whether she herself knows other languages or is conscious of the plurilingual quality of the people there and is respectful of it or not.
Hegel rejects Cartesian philosophy, supposing that we do not always doubt and that we do not always have consciousness. In his famous Master-Slave Dialectic Hegel attempts to show that the mind Geist only become conscious when it encounters another mind. One Geist attempts to control the other, since up until that point it has only encountered tools for its use.
A struggle for domination ensues, leading to Lordship and Bondage. Nietzsche , who was influenced by Hegel in some ways but rejected him in others, called for a rejection of "Soul Atomism" in The Gay Science. Nietzsche supposed that the Soul was an interaction of forces, an ever-changing thing far from the immortal soul posited by both Descartes and the Christian tradition.
His "Construction of the Soul" in many ways resembles modern social constructivism. Heidegger , following Nietzsche, did work on identity.