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Founded by businessman and battery farming pioneer Antony Fisher in , it promotes free market economics. There has been discussion in the press and among parliamentarians as to whether the IEA is more accurately described as a lobbying operation than as a think tank. Hayek dissuaded Fisher from embarking on a political and parliamentary career to try to prevent the spread of socialism and central planning. The arguably most influential think tank in British history The IEA's director Mark Littlewood said "We want to totally reframe the debate about the proper role of the state and civil society in our country … Our true mission is to change the climate of opinion.

The IEA has written policy papers arguing against government funding for pressure groups and charities involved in political campaigning. The IEA supports privatising the National Health Service NHS ; campaigns against controls on junk food; attacks trades unions; and defends zero-hour contracts , unpaid internships and tax havens. While seeking funding, Littlewood said that the IEA allowed donors to affect the "salience" of reports and to shape "substantial content". The recording was to be given to the Charity Commission on 30 July.

The Charity Commission, considering that the allegations raised by the recordings were "of a serious nature", on 20 July opened a regulatory compliance case into the IEA due to concerns about its political independence, after it became known that it offered potential US donors access to ministers while raising funds for research to promote free-trade deals favoured by proponents of a "hard Brexit".

The Commission has powers to examine IEA financial records, legally compel it to provide information, and to disqualify trustees. The IEA denies it has breached charity law. The register of lobbyists was also considering whether the IEA should be registered. Jon Trickett , the shadow Cabinet Office minister, welcoming the investigation into the IEA, said "on the road to Brexit, a small group of establishment figures, funded to the tune of millions, are covertly pursuing a political campaign in favour of extreme free trade, acting in effect as lobbyists for secretive corporate interests.

It was also revealed that Jersey Finance, representing financial interests in Jersey , paid for an IEA report saying that tax havens such as Jersey benefited the wider economy, and did not diminish tax revenues in other countries. The report recommended that their status be protected. A similar IEA report about neighbouring Guernsey was funded by the financial services industry there. Following these revelations, the IEA said that funding they received never influenced the conclusions of reports, and that their output was independent and free from conflict of interest.

In March [21] Freer was founded in order to promote a positive message of liberal, free-market Conservative renewal. Truss called for a free-marker "Tory revolution" spearheaded by "Uber-riding, Airbnb-ing, Deliveroo-eating freedom-fighters", [23] comments which were criticised by many on the left as failing to take into consideration the quality of employment within the companies mentioned.

Freer also holds events and publishes pamphlets for Conservative MPs, and has been referred to the Charity Commission by Private Eye for political bias. The IEA is a registered educational and research charity. The IEA does not disclose their sources of funding but has been criticised by health charities and George Monbiot in The Guardian [13] for receiving funds from major tobacco companies whilst campaigning on tobacco related issues. Think tank Transparify , which is funded by the Open Society Foundations , ranked the IEA as one of the three least transparent think tanks in the UK in relation to funding.

It is a matter for individual donors whether they wish their donation to be public or private — we leave that entirely to their discretion. Funding to the IEA from the alcohol industry, food industry, and sugar industry has also been documented. In October , an investigation by Greenpeace found that the IEA was receving funding from the oil giant BP , which was "[using] this access to press ministers on issues ranging from environmental and safety standards to British tax rates.

Arthur Seldon proposed a series of Papers for economists to explore the market approach to the issues of the day. The Journal of Economic Affairs was first published in October and continues to be published to the present day. IEA publications are sold throughout the world — reprinted and translated into over twenty-five languages. IEA papers are arranged in a series of titles, each with its own 'brand image'. According to the IEA, although not an academic body, the institute's research activities are aided by an international Academic Advisory Council and a panel of Honorary Fellows.

The IEA say that their papers are subjected to the same refereeing process used by academic journals, [33] and that the views expressed in IEA papers are those of the authors and not of the IEA, its trustees, directors or advisers. The IEA has also published research in areas including business ethics, economic development, education, pensions, regulation, taxation and transport.

The SMPC has met on a monthly basis since then. The decisions and minutes of the SMPC are published a few days before the Bank of England 's own interest rate decision each month.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Free market think-tank. Buchanan Ronald Coase Terence W. But, by adding the right foods to the diet, they can reverse leptin resistance and reprogram their bodies to start melting away the pounds. The problem comes when this natural ability is disrupted, most often by a condition known as inflammation. Inflammation is an important part of conditions like arthritis, asthma, allergies, heart disease, and diabetes.

But there's another condition that some scientists now realize is caused by inflammation — obesity. The Fat Resistance Diet incorporates a variety of superfoods foods that help fast-track weight-loss by healing inflammation and restoring the body's sensitivity to leptin into an assortment of recipes and weekly menus. Some of the superfoods include: salmon, spinach, broccoli, carrots, apples, unsalted almonds, egg whites, pomegranate juice, and so on.

The program presented in the book has three stages. Stage 1 jump-starts the weight-loss process by healing inflammation through the consumption of superfoods. This sudden intake of high-level nutrients improves body chemistry and lowers insulin levels, allowing the body to regain its sensitivity to leptin and begin shedding weight. Once the chemical balance has been reinstated and leptin resistance has begun to improve, Stage 2 offers a wider variety of foods to filter into the diet.

Chapter: The Market Forces of Supply and Demand

This expansion of dietary options makes The Fat Resistance Diet work for long-term weight-loss and enables people to lose two pounds per week. Stage 3 is designed to help dieters maintain their diet weight while keeping inflammation down. Whole-grain breads and pastas are now integrated into the mix and offer dieters more variety and choice without derailing the progress they have already made.

With a wide array of recipes and choices, the three stages of The Fat Resistance Diet offer an eating plan that can be followed for an extended period of time. In addition, all three stages are so effective on their own that Galland encourages dieters to stick to just one of the stages if they are achieving the results they desire. The book also contains chapters on relaxation, detoxification and exercise as well as shopping lists and resources.

The Fat Resistance Diet teaches us how to alter our biological hardwiring to lose weight and keep it off. Galland spotlights Leptin Resistance — a condition that drives millions to gain weight, despite futile dieting efforts. This program revolutionizes our understanding of weight loss and health enhancement. Galland cuts through the diet myths to reveal the critical relationship between hunger, inflammation, and body weight, and provides delicious ways to reduce all three. Cheskin, M. A wonderful assertion, and one this editor would love to hear the effectiveness of.

As rates of illegal drug use increase, the debates over drug policy heat up. While some believe penalties should be harsher, others advocate complete decriminalization. In Jailed for Possession , Catherine Carstairs examines the impact of these drug laws on users' health, work lives, and relationships. Prior to the passage of Canada 's first drug laws in and , Canadians could purchase opium, cocaine, and morphine at their local pharmacy and at Chinese shops. But in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the non-medical use of opium, morphine, heroin, and cocaine became increasingly disreputable.

When legislation controlling the sale and possession of opium, cocaine, and morphine came before the House of Commons in and , it was seen as a necessary public health measure, needed to prevent addiction, poisoning, and recreational use, and it met with strong support.

The penalties for violating the Opium and Drug Act of were fairly minor. This changed when a huge anti-drug panic, closely tied to the drive for Chinese exclusion, emerged in the early s. In chapter 1 of Jailed for Possession , Carstairs, assistant professor in the Department of History at the University of Guelph , explores the anti-drug panic and its legal consequences.

In the economically troubled years that followed the First World War, the Asiatic Exclusion League and BC politicians renewed their campaign to end all Asian immigration, and drugs became an important aspect of their campaign. Newspapers, moral reformers, and parliamentarians accused evil Chinese traffickers of bringing innocent young girls and boys to ruin through drugs, providing yet another reason for keeping them out of Canada. The state also put far more resources into enforcement, starting in the s. The Opium and Drug Branch renamed the Narcotic Division in and the Division of Narcotic Control in was established in , as part of the new Department of Health, and it took charge of coordinating enforcement efforts and managing the licensing system.

Thus, in just a few short years, the state acquired the ability to fully enforce the act, and the penalties for violation had skyrocketed. As Carstairs explores in chapters 2 and 3 of Jailed for Possession , these changes had a dramatic impact on the lives of users. At first, police targeted Chinese opium dens, where it was easy to make large numbers of arrests. Faced with constant raids and severe penalties, many Chinese stopped using, or switched from smoking opium, with its strong fumes and bulky equipment, to taking morphine and heroin.

White working-class users like Edgar A. Some middle- and working-class drug users continued to obtain morphine from doctors on prescription, although it was becoming increasingly difficult to do so. During the s and '30s, the high penalties for drug use and the greater difficulty in obtaining drugs seem to have led to a slow decline in use. This was not an entirely positive development, as the laws created much more dangerous conditions of drug use, including the replacement of the milder opium with morphine and heroin, and the substitution of the hypodermic needle for the opium pipe.

By the s and especially during the Second World War, when smuggling all but ceased, it was very difficult to obtain drugs. Many drug users roamed the country seeking sympathetic doctors willing to prescribe. In Vancouver, where there was a more regular supply, users started injecting impure opium that was prepared for opium smoking, leading to serious abscesses and other health problems. Other users switched to codeine a weaker opiate that was not subject to the strict provisions of the Opium and Narcotic Drug Act , Benzedrine an amphetamine , barbiturates, or alcohol.

Others grew their own poppies and make poppy tea. Despite the relative scarcity of drugs, a new generation of rebellious young people started using during the war years, attracted to drugs' pleasures and the dangers of using them. After the war, shipping resumed, and drugs became easier to obtain and use, but users faced a vastly different situation. There were few Chinese drug users left. Instead, in the s and '50s, there was a far more homogeneous group of white, working-class drug users, many of whom were quite young.

These users had usually been in trouble with the law from an early age and had spent time in juvenile institutions. Surveillance of drug use by the police and the Division of Narcotic Control vastly intensified. The division carefully monitored doctors' prescriptions and quickly wrote to any physician who was prescribing more than what the division thought was normal. The RCMP and municipal police forces in Toronto and Vancouver, where most of the known drug users lived, carried out a vigorous campaign against drug users, and as the stories of Kitty and Edgar show, it was nearly impossible to be a drug user in post-war Canada and not spend a great deal of time in penal institutions.

Only drug-using doctors escaped the constant cycle of arrest and imprisonment.

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In chapters 4, 5, and 6, Carstairs examines the impact of JHS social workers, doctors, and police officers on drug users, but she also explores how each of these groups of moral agents were themselves regulated by the state and by their own training and beliefs. JHS social workers faced funding and institutional limitations. The nature of police work was dictated by evidentiary requirements imposed by the law and the courts, and by commands from the Division of Narcotic Control.

None of these groups had unrestricted power and there were, in fact, some ironies in how power was exercised. On the basis of their class status, we tend to think of doctors as being the most powerful of these three groups, but it was police officers, not doctors, that had the ear of the Division of Narcotic Control, and who exercised the most control over policy-making. It was police officers, not doctors, who were most preoccupied with the bodies of drug users, as they inspected their bodies for signs of drug use and tried to physically prevent their consumption of drugs.

They had the most personnel in the field, and narcotic policing was an interesting step up from the daily grind of police work — it was a way of gaining prestige and respect. The chapter on policing chapter 4 explores the growing sophistication and effectiveness of narcotic policing in Canada from through Policing caused drug users considerable stress and anxiety; it led drug users to distrust even their closest friends and their families, and to create secret and dangerous rituals of drug use to avoid detection. The chapter on doctors chapter 5 shows the pressure placed on physicians by drug users who begged them to prescribe, and by the Division of Narcotic Control, which carefully monitored their prescribing practices and reprimanded them for violations.

Conventional wisdom in medical history argues that the professionalization process was complete by the early part of the twentieth century, but chapter 5 shows that doctors' professional authority was questioned in the s and that it was only in the s and '60s that doctors gained greater autonomy in treating drug users.

The chapter also demonstrates how the public looked to doctors, and especially to psychiatrists, to put forward solutions for the treatment of drug users in the s, even though relatively few doctors had much interest in the field. Chapter 6, the third chapter on moral regulation, examines the work of the John Howard Society of British Columbia.

It shows how these left-wing social workers were restricted in their efforts to achieve social change by their need to cooperate with the criminal justice system, and by their limited funds. Instead, social workers encouraged drug users to engage in a careful and prolonged process of self-examination and to find within themselves the reasons for their use of drugs. Jailed for Possession concludes with a final chapter on policy.

In the s, psychological explanations of drug use and sympathy for the drug users, who were now mostly white and young, led to growing demands for treatment. In the Vancouver Community Chest and Council, which was the forerunner of the United Way , wrote a report suggesting that daily doses of heroin be provided to addicts. RCMP officers countered with the suggestion that addicts be imprisoned for life. In a new Narcotic Control Act removed the minimum penalties for possession.

Instead, in Part II of the act, users could be sentenced to indeterminate periods of custody in a penitentiary for treatment. Part II was never signed into effect, because the necessary treatment institutions were never built, but because the new act made possession an indictable offence, judges still had to give prison terms, and six-month sentences remained quite common. In the mids, the use of marijuana and other drugs exploded. Sentence length fell dramatically, more people were given suspended sentences or probation, and finally, in , the act was amended to make it possible to proceed by summary conviction, ending mandatory prison terms.

Jailed for Possession is a fascinating and well-written piece of original research. Catherine Carstairs demonstrates how discourses of race, gender, and class have influenced drug regulation in Canada, and, even more intriguing, emphasizes the significant impact that regulation had on drug users. This book makes a significant contribution to the field.

  1. Government Failure and Over-Government: v. 5.
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  3. Introducing Market Forces into 'Public' Services: v. 4 (Collected Works of Arthur Seldon).
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  6. With Jailed for Possession , Catherine Carstairs provides a unique perspective on the development of policies on drug use in Canada — an essential historical view of how our current attitudes and laws have evolved. This extremely well-written book is important and very timely, as we are in the midst of changing social, legal, medical, and moral attitudes toward those who use marijuana, who have addictions to narcotics, and who profit from the drug trade, and we need this dispassionate reflection on how we arrived where we are.

    Jailed for Possession , the first social history of drug use in Canada , provides a careful examination of drug users and their regulators, including doctors, social workers, and police officers. Most of the drug users examined in Jailed for Possession were poor, troubled, and the subject of considerable attention from regulatory agents. This history of drug users therefore provides an interesting case study of the state, and of professional power, in Canadian society at a time when the state's capacity for regulation was vastly increasing.

    It also raises important questions about the dangerous consequences of strict drug control. Jailed for Possession shows that a harsh enforcement approach failed to bring an end to drug use, destabilized users' lives, harmed their health, and made drug use attractive to a small community of rebellious users. A more lenient approach to drug use will undoubtedly come with its own set of harms and dangers, but the strict approach that characterized the classic years was even worse.

    Marriage and relationships are in crisis. But The Secrets of Happily Married Men presents a different way of looking at how to build a successful long-lasting relationship from a man's point of view, from men who are happy in their partnerships, who have figured out what works for them in accomplishing the goal of a loving, intimate, lifetime commitment.

    ISBN 13: 9780865975507

    Men are different, Haltzman says. Haltzman presents eight techniques that he developed from his research and through the confidential correspondence to his highly successful Web site, including. The Secrets of Happily Married Men is filled with stories, anecdotes and confessions from real men. It provides specific analysis, guidelines, and techniques that are based on male biology, neuroscience, brain differences, and unique developmental stages from youth to seniority. At last, a book by real men for real men focused on the prize a happy and contented wife and filled with the secrets to getting more and better sex, health, wealth, and happiness.

    No man who is married, or plans to get married, should be without this book. Scott Haltzman writes clearly of the gender-specific issues of men and their response to marital conflict. His commonsense language invites readers, regardless of gender, to want more. Scott Haltzman writes the perfect playbook for marriage. The Secrets of Happily Married Men teaches you all the right moves. It is a powerful book. This book is brilliant! Frankly, if all married couples read this book and followed its guidance, the divorce rate would plummet like a rock and the level of satisfaction in marriage would skyrocket.

    Once in a generation a book is published that changes the discourse about men and marriage. The Secrets of Happily Married Men is that book. Haltzman obviously relishes controversy and has several provocative discussions about traditional feminist-based marriage therapy being unfair to men, as well as the brain- and hormone- based differences between women and men. Written in the language of men, this brave, take-no-prisoners, highly practical, pro-marriage book is a must-read for men and women alike.

    This book will reach married men and women in their minds and hearts. Rather than portraying men as deficient in relationships, Scott Haltzman shows men how to bring their unique strengths to their marriage and how to manage their unique challenges. He blends neuroscience, clinical experience, and everyday stories of men in marriage in a compelling way. A gift to the married men of the world. Doherty, Ph.

    Haltzman, founder of www. In a world hungry for good examples, My Hero reminds us that heroes come in all shapes and sizes, that the words and deeds of those who inspire us are as varied as the stars that illuminate the night. The editors of My Hero and the contributors are donating all royalties from this book to the nonprofit My Hero Project.

    Throughout human history, war has yielded some of the most important lessons and strategies for living. As he did with The 48 Laws of Power and The Art of Seduction, Greene has extracted timeless lessons from the events of history to help readers gain advantage in the modem world.

    In Strategy 2, Do Not Fight the Last War: The Guerrilla-War-of-the-Mind Strategy, Greene shows how Napoleon's crushing defeat of the Prussian army in demonstrates a most important cautionary tale: readers not allow themselves to be so rooted in tradition that they fails to see reality.

    The Prussians were so intent on following an age-old formula for success that had served them well in previous generations that they failed completely to account for Napoleon's ingenuity, his speed, and his fluidity — even though they'd witnessed his triumphs for nearly a decade.

    For other examples, readers can learn from The 33 Strategies of War the offensive strategies that require them to maintain the initiative and negotiate from a position of strength or the defensive strategies designed to help them respond to dangerous situations and avoid unwinnable wars. And they can learn the importance of the element of surprise, of employing and shielding themselves from strategies that are not just unconventional but unapologetically dirty.

    With The 33 Strategies of War , Greene has crafted an important new addition to his ruthless and unique series. The 33 Strategies of War is a comprehensive guide to the subtle social game of everyday life informed by the most ingenious and effective military principles in war. Philosophically abstract, beautifully presented, and near-spiritual in tone, The 33 Strategies of War is an ingenious handbook for those who seek control over the chaos of their lives. Business people, students of human nature, the broken-hearted, the disenfranchised, and lovers of the lessons of history will all be thrilled by this new book.

    The Road to Democracy is planned as a five-volume work aiming to redress the lack of historical material on the events that led to democracy in South Africa over a period of four decades. In The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 1 , which covers the years between and , a dedicated and experienced team of researchers unravels and analyses events that would eventually lead to a negotiated settlement, focusing specifically on:. Against the background of the defeat of fascism and the emergence of newly independent countries in Africa and Asia , was a watershed year for South Africa.

    It marked the beginning of the most intense period of repression and gave impetus to the struggle for freedom in South Africa. The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 1 records the history and the voices of the individuals and organizations that laid the foundation for a new South Africa, who carried the people's quest, from Kwazakhele to Kongwa, Tembisa to Tanzania, Langa to London, Soweto to the heart of the Soviet Union and, ultimately, to the steps of the Union Buildings, where Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the country's first democratic president on 10 May The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 1 provides insight into the operation of the liberation movements during the s by drawing on previously untapped documentary sources such as trial records, state archives and those of the liberation movements.

    Their experiences have been recorded by a team of researchers working throughout the country, whose labors have yielded a rich archive of taped personal testimony. As subsequent volumes will do, this book relies on oral history. The narrative is that of the foot soldiers, their memories recorded, in some instances, before they were silenced by death.

    The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 1 challenges the notion that the s was a decade of political quiescence. Compared with the mass defiance campaigns of the s, or the revolutionary upheavals that followed the Soweto uprising in , the period under discussion marked a low point in the history of the liberation struggle. Chapter 1, written by Bernard Magubane, explains how the National Party came to power in and examines the nature of its rulership during the s and s, with particular attention to the premiership of HF Verwoerd It also charts the evolution of resistance from the early s and focuses attention on the mass struggles of the s that culminated in the massacre at Sharpeville in March Among the issues dealt with are factors that led to the ANC's decision to abandon peaceful forms of resistance and adopt violent means instead.

    The chapter also analyses the establishment of MK and the early underground structures in various regions, as well as the activities of certain regional MK commands until the Rivonia arrests. Siphamandla Zondi Chapter 3 , Sukude Matoti and Lungisile Ntsebeza Chapter 4 focus on the rural struggles of the s and early s as part of the radicalization of the broader anti-apartheid resistance movement within South Africa, and as manifestations of the increasingly ruthless intrusion of apartheid into the countryside.

    At another level, therefore, it is this underlying tension that is captured in greater detail in Chapter 3, with studies of the rural uprisings at gaMatlala and Zeerust, and Chapter 4, which covers Mpondoland and Thembuland. Magnus Gunther's chapter Chapter 5 transports readers from the NLC's humble beginnings under the leadership of Monty Berman and John Lang, to the final betrayal by one of its leaders and its ultimate dissolution. Chapter 5 of The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 1 describes the events and circumstances that led to the formation of this underground sabotage organization; outlines the evolution of the NLC strategy and tactics on a year-by-year basis; compares what the NLC actually did by way of sabotage with what was done by MK, the other major sabotage unit of the time; and evaluates the assessments of critics and commentators.

    Two chapters are devoted to the activities of the Pan Africanist Congress and Poqo. The study shows that although many of the organization's activities were sporadic and ad hoc, they did have an impact on the South African regime. Sello Mathabatha's chapter Chapter 7 focuses on the development of PAC activities in the Pretoria region from to It concentrates on the growth of this organization in the Pretoria townships of Lady Selborne, Hebron , Atteridgeville, Mamelodi, Hammanskraal and Wallmansthal.

    Consideration needs to be given not only to the activities of organizations, but also to the repressive conditions under which they operated and the treatment of their members by the state once captured. In Chapter 9, Madeleine Fullard examines the various legislative and institutional countermeasures developed by a state faced with sustained and evolving militant forms of opposition. The s are shown as a decade in which the state used legislation such as the Sabotage Act to crush extra-parliamentary opposition, while presenting an image of acting within the rule of law.

    In Chapter 13, Sifiso Ndlovu turns attention to one of the main pillars of the ANC's revolutionary strategy — attempts to marshal international support for its struggle against apartheid. The focus in Chapter 14 is on why and how the ANC resolved to transform the NEC and to build a new leadership cadre, not only to replace those incarcerated, but also to deal with the internationalization of the South African struggle.

    Resistance politics in South Africa during the s was not restricted to the type of activities and organizations mentioned above. After the banning of the liberation movements in April forced them underground, some opponents of apartheid continued their activities above ground within the country. These gained prominence in the vacuum left by the banning of the ANC and the PAC and the suppression of associated organizations.

    Martin Legassick and Chris Saunders deal with the contributions of individuals such as Helen Suzman , various sectors of society such as the press, lawyers and students and organizations such as the Liberal Party, the Progressive Party, Black Sash, the National Union of South African Students and the Coloured Labour Party to internal resistance. Aboveground activity by predominantly white liberals had its limitations, which are dealt with in some detail. There is no question that there were lapses of memory and therefore many inaccuracies.

    In some cases, these were corrected by interviewing others who participated in the same events, such as the Wankie campaign. They augmented personal accounts by using archival material to support the arguments of interviewees.

    SADET also acknowledges that a volume of this sort — given the limited resources and time restraints — cannot cover all significant aspects of South African history during the period under study. Since it is more than likely that they have left out important areas of their country's history, this volume should be viewed as a work in progress. Most importantly, it includes the voices and experiences of liberation veterans recorded during hundreds of interviews. As a complete recounting of the events that led to liberation and a democratic society, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 1 is a document of immense historical importance about an extraordinary process of change.

    In the years between and , the citizens of the thirteen colonies faced rising tensions and a difficult decision: declare independence from England or endure further injustices imposed by the king and parliament. For years, the colonists had been taxed without representation and made to house an increasing number of unwelcome British troops. The situation quickly escalated into warfare and bloodshed during the Boston Massacre and the Battles of Lexington and Concord. The revolutionaries in the Continental Congress knew action was necessary.

    The fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence, created a nation and launched a movement the world had never seen. The Declaration of Independence is the extraordinary story of drama and daring, sacrifice and selflessness, danger and potential death. Now award-winning historian Rod Gragg brings to life the drama of in a way that is unprecedented in the literary world.

    Readers experience the bravery of the men who risked their lives and honor for independence by examining, among other things:. And for the Support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence , we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred honor. Their bold but thoughtfully crafted proclamation bequeathed to generations of Americans yet unborn the blessings of liberty, the benefits of a democratic republic, a respect for individual rights, the ethics of a traditional faith, and the hope of a promising future.

    They were remarkable men, graced with an opportunity, and despite their failures, frailties, and shortcomings, they rose to meet their responsibilities unlike few leaders in any age. Their story, unlike any other, is presented in The Declaration of Independence amid the words, documents, and deeds of their day.

    This is a fascinating and informative testament to the fifty-six signers who risked everything they had to found a nation. The Declaration of Independence defies pigeonholing and appeals to readers, historians and plain-old Americans of all ages. Monday, August 19, , was a quiet and unassuming night in the Philadelphia suburb of West Chester, Pennsylvania — an ordinary night in an extraordinary time. Through the shadows, as the clock on the towering courthouse nearby read almost midnight , a faceless group of men slid unnoticeably into the borough.

    The intent of these unknown loyal Union men was to destroy the printing office of a legally publishing newspaper that had for years passionately argued politics between its eight pages. Amidst the high emotions of the day, its sole crime was that it stood squarely against the administration of Abraham Lincoln and its prosecution of the war. Within several hours in the dead of night the Jeffersonian's vital subscription lists were destroyed, the printing type thrown out of the window, and the huge printing press broken as best as possible by the sheer strength of the men.

    As such, it appeared a simple act of thuggery. But the actions on this evening also set in motion one of the most calculated attacks on American liberty since the exploding cannon and dull thud of Revolutionary muskets ceased. In the blistering summer of , the North was ablaze. At night, thuggish mobs entered newspaper offices, burning papers and tossing printing presses out of windows. In broad daylight, army units attacked their fellow townsmen, threatening the lives of publishers and their families.

    In Baltimore , a prison housed governors, members of Congress, mayors and editors. All who faced this wrath shared one thing: they had publicly opposed President Lincoln and the dawning Civil War. Lincoln's Wrath tells the story of the overlooked chapter of the Civil War, when the government pressured and physically shut down any Northern newspaper that voiced opposition to the war.

    The effect was a complete dismantling of the free press. In the midst stood publisher John Hodgson, an angry bigot so hated that a local newspaper gleefully reported his defeat in a bar fight. He was also firmly against Lincoln and the war — an opinion he expressed loudly through his opposition newspaper. When his press was destroyed, first by a mob, then by U. Thus began a trial in which one small-town publisher risked imprisonment or worse, and the future of free speech hung in the balance.

    Through the course of the trial, one question loomed:. How far did the conspiracy against the press go? Was it the work of local thugs or state officials? To discover the answer Hodgson would risk imprisonment or worse — and the answer would determine the future of free speech in the United States. Vindicated by the jury, Hodgson impresses the authors — setting his views aside — with his irascible indomitability, and their animated recovery of this forgotten character will mesh with the great interest in Civil War journalism.

    Based on ten years of original research, Lincoln's Wrath brings to life one of the most gripping, dramatic and unknown stories of U. The book could not be more timely. Iggers Berghahn Books. It is striking how little has been done in West Germany to examine the role of the historians in the Nazi period and their participation in the genocide, much less so and much later than in some other academic disciplines. Recently, there has been a major shift in the focus of historical research on World War II towards the study of the involvements of scholars and academic institutions in the crimes of the Third Reich.

    The roots of this involvement go back to the s. At that time right-wing scholars participated in the movement to revise the Versailles Treaty and to create a new German national identity. The contribution of geopolitics to this development is notorious. But there were also the disciplines of history, geography, ethnography, art history, and archeology economists in: archeology, sociology, demography that devised a new nationalist ideology and propaganda.

    Its scholars established an extensive network of personal and institutional contacts. German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing deals with these scholars and their agendas. They provided the Nazi regime with ideas of territorial expansion, colonial exploitation and racist exclusion culminating in the Holocaust. Apart from developing ideas and concepts, scholars also actively worked in the SS and Wehrmacht when Hitler began to implement its criminal policies in World War II.

    This collection of original essays, written by the foremost European scholars in this field, describes key figures and programs supporting the expansion and exploitation of the Third Reich. Editor Ingo Haar, a research fellow in the Berlin Centre of Research on Anti-Semitism, a member of the Austrian Historical Commission on History of National Socialism, lives in Berlin and has worked extensively on the involvement of historians in the policies and ideology of the Third Reich.

    Co-editor Michael Fahlbusch, a geographer, lives in Switzerland and has written several books and numerous articles on the history of science, ethnic cleansing and ethno-politics in 20th-century Europe. The essays in German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing trace the path of scholarship from its early attempts to legitimize German claims to the East, through scholarship which claiming to be scientific, to the role this scholarship played increasingly after and particularly after the conquest of Poland in and the invasion of the Soviet Union in — in the Nazi program of ethnic cleansing and the annihilation of European Jews.

    Two of the main themes of these essays are the institutionalization of Ostforschung after and the specific tasks it carried out in the expulsion of Poles and others and the genocide of Jews and Roma. Editor Haar outlines the main themes of the volume, the role that demographic and historical studies played in defining ethnic groups and in laying the foundations for segregation and ultimately expulsion or annihilation. By collecting demographic data on the composition of Eastern European areas, the Ostforscher participated directly or indirectly in the segregation of ethnic groups in the Eastern areas and in the deportation and genocide of the Jews.

    Haar examines the role of a number of historians, such as Theodor Schieder, Werner Conze, and Hermann Aubin, who in a scholarly capacity contributed to the Nazi program. Editor Fahlbusch describes the highly organized network in which Ostforschung and Volkstumsforschung were carried out in collaboration with the SS. He thus refutes postwar accounts that maintain that Landes- regional and Volksforschung had been conducted in a serious, scientifically innovative way and had not been subject to Nazi infiltration and control.

    The chapters that follow deal with research groups as they related to the transfer of populations with the aim of germanization and genocide in various areas surrounding Germany. Schmalz and Samuel D. Alexander Pinwinkler's chapter deals with Erich Keyser's activities in basing Ostforschung on a history based on the study of population along ethnic lines in specific spatial areas. As early as the s he considered the history of population to be an appropriate instrument for restoring Germany 's lost position as a superpower.

    Michael Wedekind addresses the research intended to prepare the way for Germany 's ethnic cleansing and annexation of areas in Slovenia and Northern Italy in the predominantly Italian regions of the Trentino. Vlore Achim's essay, "Romanian-German Collaboration in Ethnopolitics: The Case of Sabin Mantilla," goes in a somewhat different direction from the other essays in German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing , which all deal with Nazi-directed studies aiming at the displacement of non-German minorities in Eastern, Southeastern, and Western Europe to make room for German settlement and the physical elimination of Jews and Gypsies.

    Manuila, whose main area of expertise was ethnic demography, had specifically Romanian goals in mind. Hans Derks focuses primarily on Franz Petri, who in close cooperation with the military occupation in Belgium conducted racial population studies for the reorganization and germanization of populations in Belgium and Northeastern France.

    The essay by Eric Kurlander deals with Otto Scheel, of an older generation, from Schleswig Holstein, who even before World War I had supported ultranationalist, often volkisch policies. Finally there is the essay by the Polish scholar Jan M. Karl Heinz Roth's chapter presents a biographical, political sketch of the same Hans Rothfels we have already discussed, who played an important role in the emergence of a school of ethnic, expansive historiography and who, after he had been designated as a Jew and forced into emigration, returned to Germany to play an important role in the reconstitution of the historical profession in post-World War II Germany.

    But the story does not end here. Whereas in East Germany there occurred a virtually complete exchange of elites, there was virtually none in Western Germany after The historical profession was no exception. Thus, almost all of the historians and other scholars involved in the Nazi planning and carrying out of programs of ethnic cleansing and extermination were restored to important positions in the western half of Germany soon after the end of World War II.

    The essays in German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing document the continuity. A new generation of historians, among them Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Wolfgang Mommsen, and Hans Mommsen, who received their university education in the Federal Republic as students of Schieder and Conze, and in Hans Mommsen's case also of Rothfels, applied the concepts of modern social history to a critical examination of the German past.

    Introducing Market Forces into "Public" Services (Collected Works of Arthur Seldon, The) (v. 4)

    It is striking, as the essays in German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing point out, that from until the early s there was complete silence about the criminal activities of the scholars involved in the planning for ethnic cleansing. Their colleagues honored them as committed scholars who had not misused their research to aid the Nazi cause.

    It took a new generation of scholars to raise these questions on the basis of new materials, some of which had been available before but not utilized. As Nicolas Berg points out in an extensive study published in on how historians in the Federal Republic dealt with the Holocaust, there was a conscious attempt to shield scholars who had been deeply involved in the Nazi regime. The Holocaust was seen as a horrendous crime carried out from the top by the party but not involving the broad masses of scholars who remained dedicated to honest scholarship.

    The reaction of the students of Conze and Schieder, when confronted with the evidence, was to defend them.

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    Nevertheless, the involvement of German scholarship in the Third Reich has finally become a burning issue to which the German Historians' Congress Historikertag devoted a special session in The controversy about the complicity of German historians under National Socialism is by no means over. Newton Da Capo Press is the first English-language biography of one of Germany 's top battlefield commanders — Hitler's favorite field marshal. Steven H. Before taking his own life, Model , destroyed most of his papers. Newton , writer and associate professor of history at Delaware State University , collects a variety of original German sources, including material from the Wehrmacht archives, to construct this historical study.

    Hitler's Commander tells the extraordinary story of one of Hitler's most loyal henchmen. Hitler once remarked, "I trust that man, but I wouldn't want to serve under him. Model's greatest achievement was the restoration of stability along the Eastern front in June In August he was sent to restore the deteriorating Western front, where he reestablished a strong defensive line along the West Wall in September.

    He was second-in-command at the Battle of the Bulge, and was leading the German army when it collapsed at the end of the war. Rather than surrender, Model shot himself in April Drawing on his extensive research in German and American archives, German war diaries and memoirs Newton manages to reconstruct Model the commander but not Model the man. Model is less well known than many of his General Staff contemporaries. Newton 's biography offers a useful portrait for students of military history. The Welcoming Garden invites homeowners to embrace the new American front garden with renowned garden designer Gordon Hayward.

    Readers learn how to create a front-yard garden that encourages people to relax, visit with neighbors, and enjoy nature. Hayward explores unique front gardens that reveal the personalities and passions of the families inside. In The Welcoming Garden , the front garden is presented within a variety of inspiring photographs and illustrations that show fundamental design principles readers can to put to work in their gardens; no matter how big, the smallest patch of lawn can be transformed into a beautiful, stylish space.

    The book outlines a step-by-step process that will help any budding gardener create an inviting front-yard space. The photographs and water color illustrations from gardens across North America and Canada — along with design principles and guidelines for action — provide the blueprint for imaginative front-yard combinations. Readers discover how to:. But there's an even more compelling reason everyone who enjoys gardening books should own this one: it's based entirely on Haywood's analysis of existing photographs.

    Explanations of his approach help readers learn to look at these images, manipulate them, change them in your mind so that the gardens in these photographs become an inspiration for your own garden making. In The Welcoming Garden , garden expert Hayward offers gorgeous design ideas, gorgeous photographs, and a step-by-step approach to redefining any front-yard garden, sharing his process for creating exciting entry gardens. The number of insect pests and diseases that can plague this popular fruit have made a completely organic approach seemingly next to impossible.

    Yet despite the challenges, it is possible to grow healthy, flavorful apples with little or no need for synthetic chemicals. In The Apple Grower , author and organic orchardist Michael Phillips combines the forgotten wisdom of our great-grandparents with the best research and techniques available today. The secret to applies, according to Phillips, farmer, writer, and orchard consultant, is that they can be produced only on the small farms and in the backyards of people who are intimately involved with their trees.

    Apples and other tree fruit have been grown organically for many centuries. Conventional chemical methods, by contrast, have been used only for the past hundred years or so. Yet most orchard consultants today will say it's impossible to grow fruit organically. The paradox lies in the economy of these times, not in the orchard itself. In fact, a handful of apple growers across North America are successfully producing beautiful organic fruit, employing both the intuitive practices of great-grandparents and the scientific discoveries of today's integrated pest management research.

    The Apple Grower is intended to bring the stewards of orchards — and those who dream of doing the same — together. Our discussion of holistic disease management will take a revealing look at the role of nitrogen fertilizers and fungicides in increasing tree susceptibility. Knowing why the apple tree thrives in a forest-edge ecosystem suggests under story practices by which orchardists can abet Nature's way. Promoting the health of the soil is the means by which orchardists produce life-enhancing fruit that in turn promotes human health.

    The right kind of yields and financial rewards follow from there. Our attitude toward ecosystem diversity determines the pest reality we manage in our orchards. Growers who acknowledge that all beings have a rightful place will subsequently find gentler ways of balancing insect dynamics in order to achieve a decent crop share. Growers who resort to tactical warfare will spend far more of their time and resources in annihilating anything that moves.

    The allies to be found in a systems approach to orcharding will more likely be absent if we focus instead on remedial inputs that impact each situation anew. Nature insists we become wiser, and that requires an open mind. Reich, garden author and Associated Press syndicated columnist. This is a book I'd love to have written — the best source available of all the best information on growing healthy apples.

    The lure of the apple has been the undoing of many a would-be fruit gardener. Apples will never be easy to raise, but to taste of these pages is to be blessed with fresh hopes for one's own harvest. Swain, science editor, Horticulture Magazine. This book is full of facts, lore, and a lot of heart and soul. Since it first appeared in , The Apple Grower has been widely acclaimed as the gold standard for anyone who wants to grow apples wisely and naturally. There are definite answers to some long-standing dilemmas in The Apple Grower , and the depth of detail may inspire growers to workable ideas.

    Drawing on 15 years' experience as a nationally known author and residential architect, Dennis Wedlick empowers homeowners to make a distinction between the whole house — and its unique components. He identifies hundreds of examples of quality house parts — from doors, windows, and roofing to dormers, columns, and fireplaces. With over color photos and drawings, and by featuring a broad range of house styles from prominent American architects, Good House Parts invites readers to look at their homes in a whole new light.

    Wedlick says that after designing and building dozens of homes over the last 20 years, he has come to appreciate four qualities that are essential to composing a good home with a thoughtful collection of good house parts. The four qualities are character, comfort, harmony, and quality, and the book focuses on these four qualities. A home with character reflects the owner's lifestyle while conveying a strong sense of personality and visual appeal. The uniqueness of homes with character is evident from rambling kitchens for sociable cooking to private retreats for music or meditation.

    A good new home starts with a building lot or a plot of undeveloped land. Creating a house that is a true harmony with its surrounding landscape involves choreographing a series of good house parts that accentuate the natural setting. Finally, the thoughtful use of quality materials, whether in the front porch columns or the breakfast nook benches, provides a sense of timelessness, creating a house that is built to last for generations. Wedlick organizes this rather substantial book around these four qualities. Good House Parts ' reader-friendly home design ideas and thoughtful selection of projects will no doubt help homeowners achieve the results they've been dreaming of.

    Listen up, America : There's still time to build a home that's worth living in. Good House Parts is a clear, thoughtful, accessible, and understandable introduction to the ideas and principles that make the houses celebrated in the book so livable and sensible. Frances Fergusson, President, Vassar College. Think about decorating with blue and most people think of blue and white with maybe a touch of sunflower yellow. The many colors of blue:. The book shows readers how to use blue, in all its many shades and tones, to create distinctive, personal palettes for the home without the stress of experimenting.

    Author Stephanie Hoppen, the owner of a London gallery and author of many best-selling interior design books, says success is guaranteed every time, whether the interior is traditional, modern, country, luxury, or eclectic. Choosing Blue is packed with practical design advice on matching and choosing shades of blue as well as selecting color accents, textiles, and accessories for blues.

    In interviews and quotes throughout the book, international designers share their thoughts and tips on using blue in interior design. And paint charts featuring commercial paint colors in every hue of blue, and all its accents, make it easy to choose the right colors for walls, floors, furniture, and accessories every time.

    With 35 years' experience in the industry and her ability to communicate design fundamentals in a simple and accessible way, Hoppen helps readers achieve their own blue heaven. An imaginative and inspirational guide, organized from baby blue to midnight blue, Choosing Blue provides a new way to look at color in the home and the stunning full-color photography by Andreas von Einsiedel, an internationally known photographer for architecture and interior design books, is eye-candy all the way.

    We ask ourselves: Who am I to be brilliant, gorgeous, talented, fabulous? Actually, who are you not to be? You are a child of God.