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If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username. International Affairs Volume 86, Issue 1. Tools Request permission Export citation Add to favorites Track citation. Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access.

Please review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article. Abstract Books reviewed in this issue. By Barry Buzan and Lene Hansen. By Marc Weller. Foreign policy Perceptions and policy in transatlantic relations: prospective visions from the US and Europe. Conflict, security and armed forces The new counterinsurgency era: transforming the US military for modern wars. Under a mushroom cloud: Europe, Iran and the bomb. By Emanuele Ottolenghi.

Terrorism: how to respond. By Richard English. Politics, democracy and social affairs Facts are subversive: political writings from a decade without a name. The future of the dollar. Edited by Eric Helleiner and Jonathan Kirshner. Ethnicity and cultural politics The crisis of Islamic civilization. By Ali A. The fall and rise of the Islamic state. By Noah Feldman. Energy and environment Emerging global scarcities and power shifts. Edited by Bernard Berendsen. History The rise and fall of communism. By Archie Brown.

The great Cold War: a journey through the hall of mirrors.

New Thinking on Transatlantic Security: Terrorism, NATO, and Beyond

By Gordon S. Europe Europe old and new: transnationalism, belonging, xenophobia. By Ray Taras. Russia and Eurasia Russian Eurasianism: an ideology of empire. Russian nationalism and the national reassertion of Russia. By Jonathan Steele. By Ian Taylor. China's African challenges. By Sarah Raines. Asia and Pacific Whose ideas matter? Agency and power in Asian regionalism.

By Amitav Acharya. Chinese security policy: structure, power and politics. By Robert R. North America Renegade: the making of Barack Obama. By Richard Wolffe. Latin America and Caribbean Cuban medical internationalism: origins, evolution, and goals. Volume 86 , Issue 1 January Pages Related Information. Close Figure Viewer. Browse All Figures Return to Figure. Previous Figure Next Figure. Email or Customer ID. Forgot password? Old Password. New Password. There was a tour of the alliance's new headquarters, the building ceremony, and a working dinner — basically an afternoon and an evening.

There was no formal session of the North Atlantic Council. It didn't work. Along the way, he engaged in a bizarre handshake contest with French President Emmanuel Macron , and manhandled the prime minister of Montenegro, shoving him out of the way while walking to the group photo. A second effort by European allies to appease Trump, days later at the G7 summit in Sicily , also failed as Trump persisted in his opposition to the Paris climate change accords. Nor was there any better result when Macron attempted a boys-and-toys strategy with Trump during his state visit to the French capital in July.

The presidents had dinner with their wives at the Eiffel Tower, and Macron wowed Trump at a Bastille Day military parade — the sort of display of hardware that Trump is longing to stage in Washington. Whatever bromance seemed to blossom , however, yielded no concessions by Trump on policy. Aides to Trump insist that he is effectively disrupting a relationship that atrophied long ago, and that has delivered lopsided benefits to Europe.

Instead, months of further wooing by European leaders was met by one step after another by the U. Still, as they arrived to meet Trump once again at this year's G7 in Quebec, the allies readied yet another strategy — hoping to talk Trump out of escalating the trade mess. They also agreed to go ahead with Merkel's idea of offering a trip by Juncker to Washington , to cooperate in the newest U.

Finally, Merkel and Macron would pepper Trump with facts and figures "in a hope," the official said, "that it would have an impact on the U. But Macron also tried to cajole Trump out of his fixation on tariffs, noting that German cars outsell French cars in France, even though there are no tariffs between the countries.

That full court press almost worked. Trump agreed to join the final leaders' declaration, only to blow the whole thing up later, in a pique of fury after hearing Trudeau insist that Canada would continue to fight back against Trump's tariffs. At a European Council summit late last month they went back over those events, and concluded there was little they could do but try to dial down the tensions, prevent major blow-ups, and wait Trump out, officials inside the meeting said Some called it "strategic patience," others described it as "containment. While recent U. Trump, Senior European officials say, has violated the relationship in a way that goes beyond previous chafing at U.

Wess Mitchell, who is the most senior official for Europe policy at the State Department. Mitchell, a longtime analyst and scholar of European affairs, has written in a recent book about the crucial need for the U. Instead, however, he is at the center of Trump policies that have distance Washington from its traditional friends. We have had and continue to have scores of disputes with one another at the WTO: on commercial airplanes, poultry, beef, biotech, steel — this is not the first one — bananas, and chemicals.

But while Mitchell may believe that, few Europeans are convinced that Trump has any goodwill toward Europe, nor do they believe he has a sufficient grasp of history to understand the gravity of the damage he is dong to the relationship. Senior European officials pointed to numerous instances in which Trump has shown no compunction about contradicting or undermining his Cabinet secretaries and senior officials.

Ever since the U. Congress adopted the Foreign Assistance Act of — more commonly known as the Marshall Plan — Washington has gotten credit for generously rebuilding the war-torn Continent. And American presidents have maintained a foreign policy that treated Europe as a trusted ally. But Trump, they say, has violated the relationship in a way that goes beyond previous chafing at U.

History and Philosophy of the Neurosciences within Their Social Contexts

Europe's sense of distrust in Washington cannot be attributed to any one of Trump's eyebrow-raising policies or pronouncements, the senior officials said. It's not that he threatened Mercedes and other German cars with extinction on the streets of Manhattan. More fundamentally, on a Continent still highly risk-averse in the long shadow of the last Great War, Trump has turned the U.

But only against enemies or opponents. But unpredictability in my opinion is the last thing we need when we are friends and inside family. European officials say they have also lost their sense of hope for most of Trump's top-tier advisers, some of whom initially seemed to have more of a feel for the importance of the transatlantic bond. Many of those officials, however, have been ousted or resigned in the frequent churn that defines Trump's White House. It is unclear if the arrival of Sondland, the new ambassador to the EU whose parents escaped Nazi Germany, will help.

Give the people what they want: Popular demand for a strong European foreign policy

But while they are viewed as knowledgeable on European affairs, in Brussels that expertise has been rendered meaningless by Trump's willingness to undercut his own staff, as he did when Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made a successful first visit to NATO headquarters, only to have the goodwill blown apart by Trump , back in Washington, who quipped: "NATO is wonderful but it helps Europe more than us, so why are we paying the biggest share?

While there is recognition in Europe that U. He has a visceral allergic reaction to Europe. He's a person — as much as I have read, and a couple times that I have seen him — he operates on emotions, he's not Mr. Cerebral like Obama As long as you have a president who doesn't read, who goes with his gut and makes decisions based on emotions rather than a calculated analysis, then I don't think there's much to be done.

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He doesn't like Europe. He is never going to start liking Europe. It is unclear if the arrival of Sondland, the new ambassador to the EU whose parents escaped Nazi Germany, will help, or if like Grenell in Germany and Ambassador Pete Hoekstra in the Netherlands, he will become a further source of controversy. That Trump might prefer meeting the leaders of Saudi Arabia, North Korea or Egypt more than his democratically elected counterparts in Europe is not appreciated.

But the possibility that he might make unilateral agreements, as he did at his meeting with Kim Jong Un, or as Trump may do at the upcoming summit with Putin , is a source of deep anxiety. In response, officials in Brussels and across the Continent have shifted into survival mode. In some cases, like the concerted effort to save the Iran nuclear deal , and the retaliatory tariffs against American goods, they are working actively to thwart Trump's stated policy goals.

It's about fulfilling campaign promises and putting it to the Obama administration. It's about elections. It's about winning, It's about the whole philosophy of making deals. Experts on transatlantic politics say the relationship has never been as good as either side hoped, but that it is clearly at a low point. Stoltenberg has courted Trump aggressively, repeatedly assured Trump that his demands for greater military spending by NATO allies were also Stoltenberg's own goal, and the alliance's goal as well.

Stoltenberg has also repeatedly told Trump that he is winning, as he did on his most recent visit to Washington in May. Such statements would normally infuriate other allies who bristle at Trump's lack of understanding of how NATO financing works — that it is actually measured by each nation's spending on its own military, that all allies are paying their required share of NATO's central budget, and that no ally actually "owes" anything. But Stoltenberg only reassured Trump. All allies are increasing their defense budgets. Hamilton, the executive director of the Center for Transatlantic Relations, a Washington think tank, who has held numerous senior posts in the State Department working on Europe policy.

Hamilton said that while Washington has long held strategic and policy goals for Europe, it has never developed an overall, strategic policy toward the EU, which is viewed by many officials in the United States as cumbersome and bureaucratic. But that approach has increasingly caused strains as Europe has become more deeply integrated — politically and economically — and the Commission has taken a stronger role especially in the areas of trade and regulation.

We want a Europe that is open, open to American goods, open to American investment, open to American ideas.

US Disinvestment from European Security since the Cold War

I think we have an enduring interest in a Europe that is free from the kinds of strife and conflict that drains inordinate resources from the United States. But Hamilton said that what had been a gradual evolution of Washington's policy toward Europe has accelerated and become more pronounced under Trump. Beginning with the Marshall Plan, the view, he said, was of "the United States as a European power, that means fully engaged across the board in all of the institutions of Europe, and actually integral to all of the alliances and coalitions the Europeans would put together.

Now, he said, "I would argue we are moving away from that A power in Europe is selectively engaged This EU diplomat, who recently visited Washington, compared the U.